Soaps with a Latin scent

Araceli Ortiz de Urbina and Asbel López, UNESCO Courier journalists

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Actress Patricia Pillar, heroine of the Brazilian soap opera Rei do Gado (“The Cattle King”).













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Lucilia Santos and Rubens de Falco in a scene from Esclava Isaura (“Isaura the Slave”).








‘What I like about Marimar is that she has the same problems as we do. She’s poor like us. Her house was burned down. They mistreated her. They degraded her. She’s almost Filipina.’




A world market

“Although selling telenovelas on the international market is a major cultural industry, its economics are less important than its cultural impact,” says researcher Daniel Mato, of Venezuela’s Central University. “They’re primarily produced for the home market, where it is hoped returns will recoup production costs.” Mato found that advertising during soaps was the main source of income for TV stations, while earnings from foreign sales were only a tiny percentage of the income from advertising in the home market (8 per cent in the case of Radio Caracas Televisión and Venevisión, in Venezuela, 5 per cent for Televisa de México and 2.5 per cent for Brazil’s TV Globo).
Income from foreign sales per episode is much less than the cost of production, which runs at between $15,000 and $100,000, and only comes in after the soap has become a success at home and sometimes only many years later. Also, the sale price varies from country to country, according to the number of TV sets per head, people’s purchasing power and especially the amount spent on advertising. Last year, says Mato, the price of soap operas sold abroad ranged from $7,000 to $9,000 per hour of air time in Spain, $2,550 to $5,000 for Hispanic stations in the U.S. and between $1,200 and $1,500 in Hong Kong. This compares with the U.S. soap Dynasty, which sells for $20,000 an episode to British stations, $1,500 to Norwegian ones and for only $50 to Zambian and Syrian television.
Mato admits that despite being economically just icing on the cake, “the soaps that Televisa de México sold abroad in 1997, for example, earned about $100 million,” only a little less than the BBC earned from selling its own programmes, and a respectable figure next to the $500 million earned from such sales by each of the transnational TV giants Warner Brothers, Paramount and Universal.
The advance of globalization has boosted worldwide distribution of soaps and opened up new markets in Asia and the Middle East. TV Globo says the economic crisis in Asia has generally increased demand there because imported goods are cheaper than home-made productions.
But the field is increasingly competitive. Countries which until now were just importers, like Spain, Greece, Turkey and the Philippines, are starting to turn out their own soaps and challenging Latin America’s hold on the market. To hang on to their position, the Latin American firms are looking for new partners. Currently in the works, for example, is a co-production by China and Brazil about a young Chinese man who falls in love with a Brazilian girl and goes to Brazil to woo her. And so begins another episode in the history of the soap opera.

Charged with suspense and fantasy, Latin American soap operas are pouring off the production lines into living rooms all over the world

During Ramadan last January, some of the mosques in Abidjan decided to bring forward prayer time. This thoughtful gesture saved thousands of the faithful from a painful dilemma–whether to do their religious duty or miss the latest episode of Marimar, a Mexican TV melodrama which has turned the whole country into addicts of telenovelas, soap operas made in Latin America.
“At 7.30 sharp in the evening, when Marimar comes on, everything stops in Côte d’Ivoire,” the evening newspaper Ivoir’Soir noted a few months ago. The programme, which has attracted more local fans than the 1998 World Cup, arrived in Africa after being a similar hit in Indonesia and the Philippines. In 1997, its female star was received in Manila like a foreign head of state.
Meanwhile, on the other side of the planet, hundreds of thousands of Yugoslavs hold their breath so as not to miss the tiniest detail of the Venezuelan soap opera Kassandra. “We know Kassandra’s innocent and we want her trial stopped,” the townspeople of Kucevo, in southeastern Serbia, wrote to the Venezuelan government, with a copy to Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic. This is just one of many examples of how fiction can invade real life and how far people come to identify with it.
Marimar and Kassandra are classics among the thousands of soap operas Latin America has turned out over the past 40 years at the rate of about 100 a year. They are love stories which have plenty of sub-plots and move along at a brisk pace. Their characters overcome countless obstacles–social class, family ties, conflicts of interest and so on–to finally win through despite all the ambushes of fate. In all of them, morality and goodness triumph and the bad guys get punished in a happy ending where everyone is reconciled. In this respect they are very different from Anglo-Saxon soap operas, in which conflicts get solved in the course of a few virtually self-contained episodes, which means they can be broadcast in any order.
The plot of a Latin American telenovela includes a strong dose of suspense. Each episode has a dramatic ending to make sure viewers watch the next one. This tactic produced a new way of making some pocket money when Kassandra was shown in the Balkans. People in Bulgaria, where the soap was running 10 episodes ahead of Yugoslav TV, would tell their neighbours across the border what was coming up next–in exchange for 10 dinars ($2).
The worldwide success of these soaps suggests they might be something more than just a carefully-engineered collection of dirty deeds and superficial emotions. Their hackneyed themes don’t often amount to anything of great artistic value, but the scripts aren’t always puerile and the dialogue and characters are less predictable than one might expect. Telenovelas have accumulated 40 years of experience and professionalism and turned into an industry which can buy the best actors, scriptwriters and directors in Latin America.

Urban violence and political corruption
Since the 1970s, producers have also tried to go beyond classic melodrama and have adapted the works of writers like Mario Benedetti, Mario Vargas Llosa and Jorge Amado. In recent years, authors, directors and scriptwriters in the Latin American film industry have brought new life to the genre by broadening its range of subjects and bringing it closer to real life. These “new-wave” telenovelas dig straight into issues like police corruption, influence-peddling, urban violence, impunity and the role of mafia money, as in last year’s Colombian production La Mujer del presidente (“The President’s Wife”) and, the year before, Nada personal (“Nothing Personal”), which was made in Mexico.
Soaps like this have sparked off social developments which in the past would have been unthinkable. Venezuela’s Por estas calles (“Through These Streets”), screened in 1992, was about the decline of a corrupt and powerful ruler, who reminded many viewers of President Carlos Andrés Pérez, the country’s president at the time. Andrés Pérez was caught up in a corruption scandal which drove him from office two years later “because of this soap among other reasons,” says its producer, Alberto Giarroco. In Brazil, O Salvador da Patria (“Saviour of the Fatherland”; 1989) was accused, on the other hand, of favouring the presidential campaign of Inácio Lula Da Silva, since it closely mirrored his life story as a half-literate peasant who rose to be a powerful trade union leader and presidential candidate. “Lula”, however, was not elected.

A multi-million-dollar industry
This new trend, which is very popular with Latin American audiences, shows the vitality of the soap tradition, which can affect politicians and adapt to current events. The telenovela, says Colombian scriptwriter Fernando Gaitán, has become “the continent’s main channel of communication, drawing larger audiences than the cinema, novels or the theatre.” But as well as being a firmly-established regional craze which has now spread all over the world, it is also a multi-million-dollar industry. The biggest production companies–in Brazil, Mexico and Venezuela–present their work at international television trade fairs and have sales offices in Miami and Europe which distribute their products over two-thirds of the globe (
see box).

Prime time productions
Brazil’s TV Globo is perhaps the most typical of these firms and has sold telenovelas to 123 countries, according to its international sales director, Orlando Marques. The TV Globo telenovelas are screened from six in the evening on and their 160 or so episodes cost between $50,000 and $60,000 each to make. The local viewing audience is around 80 million people. A 30-second prime-time advertising spot when the soaps are on the air costs $60,000 or so. TV Globo has four recording studios and a script-writing staff of about 1,500. While the soap is showing, polls and discussion groups are held in several cities to gather viewers’ opinions and suggestions. Telenovelas were responsible for almost $1.6 billion in billings for 1996, 60 per cent of Brazilian TV’s ad billings. “Without telenovelas, TV Globo might not exist,” says Jorge Adib, the company’s former international sales director. This is true of Latin American television overall. The soap opera industry has helped train professionals and highly specialized technicians, while also encouraging the emergence of a Latin American star system.
Latin American soaps really took off worldwide in the 1980s when, after conquering the European market, they began to interest Arab, African and Asian countries. Now they are as much a symbol of Latin America as salsa and football. Some are tremendous hits, like the Brazilian soap Esclava Isaura in countries as different as China (where it was shown for the first time in 1980 in Mandarin, and again in 1983), Poland and Cuba. Others, like Venezuela’s Cristal, which has been shown seven times in Spain, never seem to lose their popularity. Los Ricos También Lloran (“The Rich Cry Too”), a Mexican production, proved a real tearjerker in Russia, where two-thirds of Moscow’s impoverished inhabitants saw that money doesn’t always buy happiness. Topacio (“Topaz”), from Venezuela, has been sold to 45 countries.
What’s the secret of their success? Do growing demand and low production costs explain their extraordinarily wide distribution? Or is it, as some believe, that Latin exoticism and emotional exuberance draw the viewers? “It’s a fact that stories with lots of local colour, showing typical Latin American scenes and people, are most popular in the rest of the world,” says researcher Daniel Mato.
The current success of Brazil’s Rei do Gado (“The Cattle King”), set in the 19th century during the war between landowners and landless peasants, and Colombia’s Café con Aroma de Mujer (“Coffee with the Scent of a Woman”) which tells a love story amid the ups and downs of big players in the coffee industry, seems to confirm this. Some, like Henri N’Koumo, a journalist on the Abidjan newspaper Fraternité Matin, say TV soaps are popular “because they touch very deep chords. Despite cultural differences, people feel very comfortable with these tales. They prefer them to the French ones which they find too intellectual.”
Filipino columnist Conrado de Quiros agrees. “Filipino soaps are too familiar. American soaps are too alien. Latin American ones are neither,” he says. They do not fall into the over-sophistication of American super-luxury or the intellectualism of European productions, but still allow people to escape from a humdrum existence. The Manila Daily Inquirer newspaper says Marimar offers relief to Filipinos “trying to escape from the ugliness of their surroundings, the ugliness of their poverty, the ugliness of their public officials.”

A real sense of complicity
All telenovelas are built around topics which “have existed since the beginning of human society,” says Arquímides Rivero, one of the founders of the genre in Venezuela. These universal situations and the feeling of identification with a story inspired by real life without being a carbon copy of it explains the popularity of soap operas with such an eclectic range of audiences. Viewers live through the sufferings and misfortunes of the characters and develop a real sense of complicity with them.
“What I like about Marimar,” says Ligaya Magbanua, who works in a Manila restaurant, “is that she has the same problems as we do. She’s poor like us. Her house was burned down. They mistreated her. They degraded her. She’s almost Filipina.”
Perhaps the main reason for this success is to be found in the rationale and ethics of melodrama. Researcher Nora Mazziotti says viewers follow for months the mishaps, injustices, dangers and threats which the characters endure before savouring with them the ultimate triumph of love and justice–observing that in the make-believe world, and maybe nowhere else, there’s justice. That’s something to be happy about.


Robert C. Allen (editor), To Be Continued... Soap operas around the world, Routledge, London and New York, 1995.
• Daniel Mato, Telenovelas: Transnacionalización de la industria y transformaciones del género (“Telenovelas: transnationalization of the industry and trasnformation of the genre”) in N. García Canclini, Industrias culturales e integración latinoamericana (“Cultural industries and Latin American integration”), Grijalbo publishers, Mexico, 1999.
• Nora Mazziotti, La industria de la telenovela, Paidós publishers, Buenos Aires, 1996
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The UNESCO Courier