A late-evening downpour drenches
Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar, known as Tana for short. Huge drops thud
on the outside of a cardboard box which once contained a fridge but is now propped
up against a grey wall. Inside, snugly wrapped in jute sacks, Rado and Toky cling
to each other and try to get some sleep.
But the floor of their “cabin” is soaked. Groping their way in the darkness, the
two boys get up and sit on makeshift stools, which are in fact big stones that stop
their abode from blowing away on days when the wind is strong. With his feet on the
waterlogged ground and head down, eight-year-old Toky tells his story.
“This reminds me of my first night in Tana. We’d just arrived—my father and mother,
my three brothers and sisters and me—when it started pouring. We slept on the ground,
under a shopfront awning with other poor people. The next morning, my little sister
complained that people had been groping her all night. Since then, my family has
preferred to live in a cabin like ours, near the route-taxi station where my father
sells maize pancakes.
“But I stay here because it’s close to the market. Before we came to Tana, we lived
near Anjozorobe, in the north, where my father worked in the paddy fields. He gave
half of the harvest to the owner, even though he was the one who paid for the seedlings,
fertilizer and pesticides. One day, the owner asked for two-thirds instead of half.
That’s when my father decided to leave for Tana.”
The other boy, Rado, has never lived in the countryside. “When I was little, we lived
in one room with electricity,” he said. “But my father drank and didn’t pay the rent.
One day, we were thrown out onto the street.”
When dawn breaks, the two boys crawl out of the now-shapeless box. They will have
to find somewhere else to sleep before night falls again. But this isn’t the time
to be looking. The market is starting up and the first trucks are arriving with goods
to sell. The boys have to rush off and set up stalls for five traders who employ
them. With the pittance they earn doing that, they can buy a meagre breakfast at
a corner stand—some tea (in fact, hot water with sugar in it) and two rice pancakes.
When business is good, they treat themselves to a cup of coffee with milk.
After that, Rado and Toky make for the main entrance of the market, where they mingle
with a crowd of other children, all waiting for the arrival of well-off ladies in
cars whose purchases they will offer to carry for a small fee. Rado knows the tricks
of the trade. You have to avoid the talkative ones, who spend hours nattering to
the shopkeepers, and the tight-fisted ones, who are always haggling about the price
of what they buy.
Rado used to look after cars parked near the market, which was less tiring and better
paid. But older children have seized control of that and chase off any younger ones
who try to edge their way in. Rado also knows there are two things he will never
do again—rummaging in garbage cans and begging. “The garbage boys” are looked down
on as idle and dirty by the other boay kely, as Madagascar’s street children are
called. Rado is 12 years old and because he is in good health, no one takes pity
on him any more.
Like all the capital’s boay kely—which the NGO Médecins sans Frontières
(Doctors Without Borders) estimated in 1997 to number 3,500 out of the city’s one
million inhabitants—Rado’s worst fear is of crackdowns by city officials. The last
one dates back to the summer of 1997, when there was a clean-up before the Jeux de
la Francophonie, an international sporting event bringing together countries that
use French as a common language. Shacks were torn down and the street children were
taken off and dumped in a reception centre 50 km outside the city. But they all ran
away because the rules and the staff were too strict. The children walked back to
the capital, living off petty thieving along the way. After the Games ended, they
were back at the market again.
Disease is another threat to street children. The oldest ones remember typhus. But
not Rado. He survived the bubonic plague epidemic which occurred in 1997-98. The
disease first broke out in a slum just below the market and then gradually spread
among the street children. Some of them watched as the fatal swellings twisted their
arms. The health authorities responded by knocking down all the shacks and dousing
the area with clouds of chemicals. Many of the children died. Rado was shocked by
what survivors told him when they returned from hospital—that the nurses and women
attendants had balked at treating the sick children, who were dirty and smelly and
not in a position to give them a tip.
Are the boay kely condemned to spend all their lives on the streets? Probably. The
girls often end up as prostitutes and the boys doing odd jobs. The porters, car washers,
illegal vendors, barrow haulers, water carriers and pickpockets were all once street
children. Do-gooders like Lazarist priests or NGOs which campaign against child labour
try to change their lives by sending them to school. But the children often rebel.
How can they do “homework” when they have no home, no table, no light? What’s the
point of “doing nothing” in school all day when there’s nothing to eat at the end
of it?
Rado knows he will never escape his present condition. He envies the few boay kely
who have been adopted by foreign families. Sometimes photos get passed around among
the boys at the market—pictures of well-fed youngsters posing with a grin in front
of some place like the Eiffel Tower. Rado has no chance of that happening because
he’s older than eight, the maximum age for adoption.
But he can still laugh and have fun. Passers-by are always surprised that the boay
kely are cheerful. They live from day to day and don’t worry too much about the future.
For them, a good day is one when they eat. And as this good fortune is often enjoyed
inside the likes of an empty refrigerator box, they laugh as much—if not more—than
in a fancy villa. |
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Antananarivo’s boay
kely sleep rough and live hard, but they are still children, with children’s fears,
laughter and high spirits
The UNESCO Courier
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A lost generation
If there is one country where the term “lost generation” means something, it’s Madagascar.
The 45% of its 14 million inhabitants who are under 15 will confirm that. Since the
time they were born, the economy of their island, in the Indian Ocean off the coast
of Mozambique, has steadily deteriorated.
Between 1980 and 1995, per capita income shrank by an average 3% every year, according
to UN figures. Daily calorie intake per person has fallen by 22% since 1970 and 34%
of children under five are malnourished. A recent study by the country’s national
statistics institute, Instat, showed that nearly half the infants below the age of
three suffer from retarded growth—the highest proportion in Africa—and that one child
in six dies before reaching the age of five.
Education figures for the island—which, at 592,000 sq km, is the fourth largest in
the world—are just as gloomy. School attendance between the ages of 6 and 23 nearly
halved, from 60% to 33%, between 1970 and 1995, and nearly three-quarters of all
schoolchildren fail to complete primary school.
Today, 72% of the Malagasy live on less than a dollar a day, despite the fact that
their land has abundant agricultural and mineral resources. The island also has tremendous
tourist potential. In 1997, the country’s foreign debt reached $4.4 billion—120%
of gross domestic product (GDP). This disastrous economic situation is the result
of several decades of political turmoil and administrative disorder.
Things have been a shade better since 1997, when the economic growth rate (3.7%)
topped population growth (2.8%) for the first time in many years. The upturn was
maintained last year. Many credit the improvement to the rapid switch to a market
economy and a democratic system after a long period of “true socialism”. But in Madagascar,
as elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa, the remedy of liberalism may not be enough to
roll back poverty.
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