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The bias behind nomadic education

School, the Tuaregs’ new weapon
Yves Bergeret, French writer and teacher, founder of the Language and Space association specialized in North-South artistic projects
photo
Mohamed ag Hamadida teaches the Tuareg language to a child from Djebok in northern Mali.




The Tuaregs have shed their longtime reticence towards schooling but questions remain over how the system chooses to deal with their nomadic lifestyle. Countries in sub-Saharan Africa have come up with different solutions

“For the past few years, people in all the settlements have supported and valued schooling,” says a representative of local school parents. “Things are changing and our nomadic culture seems to be evolving.”
The pupils at the little schoolhouse at Imbassassoutène, south of Timbuktu, include Peul and Tuareg nomad children. Its six classes offer both primary and secondary education, catering to students from six to 18. In the evening, literacy classes are held there for adults.
Not all schools in the region boast such a record. The school at Djebok, 40 kms east of Gao, counts 254 children enrolled in four primary classes, but only 25 in its five secondary grades. Mohamed ag Hamadida, the headmaster, says about 15 per cent of the children drop out each year. The reasons: some settlements are far from the school, while tradition stipulates that looking after cattle is more noble and worthwhile than attending what is known as “the French school.”
The children are taught by the “convergent” method, which mainly relies on using Tamazight, the Tuareg mother tongue, when they start school. The first year, three quarters of the lessons are in Tamazight. French, Mali’s official language, takes on increasing importance to become the only one used by the time the children reach their sixth year.
Education in its “modern” form was introduced during the French colonial era and coldly welcomed by the Tuaregs. The tribal chiefs refused to let their sons go to school, sending children taken from serf families instead. After independence, distrust remained towards an institution that was foreign to the traditional culture and threatened to force nomads into adopting a sedentary lifestyle.
But recent events have revolutionized the lives of the Tuaregs. Major droughts in 1973 and 1984 and then armed rebellion in the early 1990s
1 and subsequent repression caused large migrations. The peace agreements in Mali (1992) and Niger (1995) allowed the displaced people to return with the help of the UN High Commission for Refugees, but not until 1996. Many parents then changed their attitude and concluded that going to school could help their offspring find jobs away from the world of nomadic cattle-herding. Education had also proved useful during the peace negotiations and later to help Tuaregs secure government jobs.
Many partners are involved in the education of Tuareg children, including the World Bank, the Organization of Petroleum-Exporting Countries (
OPEP), USAID, the Islamic Development Bank, the French group Volunteers for Progress and Dutch and French government aid bodies.
The host countries contribute too. Emmanuel Sagara, director of basic education for the Gao region, held a seminar in the Chadian capital, Ndjamena, in January 2000, that brought together education experts and officials from Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Niger, Chad and Mali. Policies vary widely from country to country. Chad has travelling schools, whose teachers move with the nomads. Niger has opted for a mixed system, with children spending six months in a school and the rest of the year tending animals. Mali has chosen to set up a series of “sites” which include a school and a nearby well to attract and accommodate the nomads.
Sagara says school attendance by 6-12-year-olds is 36 per cent in the Gao region,with girls accounting for 18 per cent of the total. But there are no figures on how many nomad children are among them because language and ethnic origin are not seen as relevant.
Souleymane ag Mehdi, who runs Télouét, an NGO specialized on economic development in northern Mali, also notes a change of attitude among the Tuaregs that he attributes to a post-rebellion re-evaluation. Despite the risk of educated young Tuaregs becoming assimilated, he stresses the role that the most enlightened of them could play in avoiding this outcome.The key is to support Tuareg culture, namely through publishing, newspapers, museums and research and documentation centres. So far, none of the above exist.


1. Following an armed rebellion and ethnic strife in northern Mali between 1990 and 1994, over 150,000 Malians fled the country. By mid-1995, due to the implementation of a peace agreement, and efforts by the Malian authorities to secure national reconciliation, stability has been re-established in northern Mali.