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The tar, the fracture and the bond
Photos by André Lejarre, text by Kacha. André Lejarre is a French photographer, Kacha is a retired senior civil servant from Senegal.
The development of irrigated areas along the Senegal river has changed the nature of both the town of Ndioum and its people
I returned to Ndioum early one morning when a chill was carried into town by the harmattan, the wind of the Moors that raises a golden-yellow dust in the rising sun, shrouding houses, wheelbarrows and animals in the mist, and making silhouettes appear to emerge as if they were stepping out from behind a curtain. Even the tar seemed to be born with each step I took.
The paved road now runs across Ndioum from one end to the other. But the “avenue,” as it is called, has stirred up many controversies… The thoroughfare has enabled motorists to drive across the Fouta region in any season. It has also brought large machines that have dug holes in the forest separating the great river from the diéry, the dry savannah. Their work has dried up the water’s ceaseless rise and fall that fertilized the land, making sure everybody had enough to eat, and set the pace for the season’s labours. And now the river opens out onto wide areas developed by Italians, broad stretches of treeless land where Sérères, Diolas and Wolofs dwell alongside the indigenous people–their cousins, the Torobés. It is a place where cultures and many peoples have mingled.

The paved road now runs across Ndioum from one end to the other. But the “avenue,” as it is called, has stirred up many controversies…

Tar has turned Ndioum into a crossroads of commerce. Tradespeople from Mauritania and former military staff and civil servants have built all the shops, lined up next to each other like a row of boxes, jam-packed with all kinds of goods. The entrances are encumbered by wheelbarrows and the small stalls of vendors selling fritters who rush up to travellers when they stop their cars.
I walked across the village looking for my neighbourhood. Everyone has brought their own style to this land. The regional hospital, the pride of Ndioum, the “semi-stories” with their wide colour strips of emigrants belonging to France, the cushy, gated villas of executives from Dakar that are as uncomfortable as they are ill-suited to the climate; the large mosque on the hill; the small farmers’ bank and its grain storehouse; the two service stations at the beginning and end of the avenue. The space between the avenue and the houses shrinks; the windows looking out onto the road are still shuttered when the shops begin to thrive. At the end of the month, the post office is always crowded with parents picking up money orders sent by their children who have emigrated abroad.

Where are the large concessions surrounded by medium-high stockade fences through which you could catch glimpses of life’s dramas?

Where are the buildings made of stuccoed earth with their dark, cool inner verandahs that protected the occupants from the windblown ochre dust? Where are the large concessions surrounded by medium-high stockade fences through which you could catch glimpses of life’s dramas–the letter announcing a daughter’s engagement to an expatriate; the neighbour who brought back a disease from central Africa that is taking a terrible toll? But the tiny El Hadj Oumar Tal mosque is still standing, with its roof tiles from Marseilles, its palm trees and around it, the lush gardens of the former chief of police, which look like an oasis in this huge plain turned upside-down by construction work.
Ndioum and the myth that followed the taming of the river captured the imaginations of only those who came from far away to answer the call of its endless spaces, criss-crossed by a grid of irrigation canals. The villagers received their plots, lost in the immensity of the big development projects, on which the women persist in digging furrows with their hoes, planting rice by hand, shunning modern paddies with a self-confident gesture. They, and the young people, are the ones who spurred on the changes. They are moving forward gradually, occupying the places left behind, the fields that are too hard to work, which belonged to the heads of households who have left for distant countries. The impatient young people, whether or not they have gone to school or have paying jobs, are bursting into the traditional hierarchical circles. They are in a strong position because they have banded together, challenging the old order, confiscating, taking action when the elders hesitate and endlessly drag out the negotiations.

Electricity has become expensive; water used to be free but now it must be paid for; the mayor is selfish. He built a town hall but lives in Dakar and never keeps his promises

I greeted the nostalgic, retired old men conversing beneath a tree, hashing over their memories. They’re talking about their monthly trip to Dakar to pick up their pensions and see their grown children. Politics works its way into the conversation. “The government doesn’t give our children jobs, the schools no longer train them, and anybody can get away with anything. There’s a fine hospital, but I’d rather go to Dakar because here they send us students who change so often that we don’t have the time to get to know them. The Diola doctor from Kédougou was the best, but he left. They’ve developed 2,000 hectares and already had six harvests in two years.”
“Nobody’s happy with these projects,” they say. “They give us bilharziasis, people go blind from planting seeds in the water under the blazing sun. The development company takes nine-tenths of our harvests away from us to pay for the water, the pumps and the equipment. They come and tell us that in their air-conditioned cars, while it’s 35° celcius in the shade. We would have cultivated millet and rice for more than a hundred years with the money they take away from us… There are no more fish in the river and the animals cannot graze any longer. Our daughters and nieces marry Wolofs, Diolas and Sérères, if not foreign Catholics.”
I tried changing the subject and started talking about the local elections. The last ones were hard-fought. The current mayor, an administrative and financial officer elected to the national assembly, is running against a teacher, the son of a great family of marabouts (Muslim holy men). Electricity has become expensive; water used to be free but now it must be paid for; the mayor is selfish. He built a town hall but lives in Dakar and never keeps his promises.
But soon the 72 hours of Ndioum, a major annual cultural event, will be here, luring all the errant sons and daughters back home. The festival is three days of indescribable chaos, an exuberant celebration of Fouta’s culture with traditional wrestling matches, fantasias on horseback, ballah rock and its most accomplished ambassadors, Youssou N’Dour and Baba Maal. Tar has worked wonders here, if only by bonding Ndioum to the world.

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The rice harvest.


Returning from the fields, along a branch of the Senegal River.




At Salamata’s.

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photo A peanut oil pump stands in front of Adana Sabou’s store.


photo Sacks of rice piled up in one of Ndioum’s general stores.



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Senegal

Developing the Senegal River
The three countries past which the Senegal River flows–Mali, Mauritania and Senegal–began work to open the river up for trade at the start of the 1970s, leading to the inauguration of dams at Diama and Manantali in 1985 and 1987 respectively. Primary goals of the development project were to regulate the river flow to improve its accessibility to river traffic, supply urban centres with clean drinking water, stop saltwater reaching beyond the mouth of the river, and above all protect the region from its fickle climate by ensuring regular irrigation. The total irrigated area is due to reach 375,000 hectares, 190,000 of which will be in Senegal. Some 30,000 hectares in that country are already being irrigated. The scheme’s main funding bodies, including the European Union and various national development agencies, have so far lent over $500 million, while 60 percent of Senegal’s agricultural investment is thought to have been devoted to implementing the plan. Crop yields, however, remain low, at four tonnes per hectare of paddy field twice a year. The soil is getting saline. A lack of interest from the state, neo-liberal policies, the devaluation of the African franc, rising prices for materials, water bills and a string of poor yields have only s

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