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All roads lead to the franchise
Photos by Isabelle Eshraghi, text by Haya al-Mughni. Isabelle Eshraghi is a French photographer. Haya al-Mughni is a Kuwaiti sociologist and author of Women in Kuwait: The Politics of Gender (London: Saqi Books, 2001).
Since the end of the Gulf War, Kuwaiti women have stepped up their campaign for the right to vote. Even the most ardent Islamist activists espouse the cause, touting a different vision of women’s role in Muslim society
Hifty years ago, few Kuwaiti women received more than a basic religious education. Those from wealthy households were confined to their courtyards, in a section of the house without windows so their voices could not be heard from the outside. Women from more modest households fared slightly better: some worked as midwives, marriage brokers, dressmakers and Koranic teachers who used their homes as schools, while others were peddlers or market traders. In public, however, all women had to cover themselves in long black cloaks (the abbayat) and veil their faces with thick black cloths, the boshiat.
Change was prompted by Kuwait’s transformation from a small seafaring community relying on maritime trade to a major oil producer after 1945. Such rapid economic expansion created a demand for an educated workforce and the state made education available to all Kuwaiti citizens. The educated woman became a symbol of modernity, an icon of the modern state. The new generation removed the traditional black veil, enrolled in higher education and competed with men in the labour market. By the 1990s, Kuwaiti women made up 35 percent of the workforce, with a vast majority employed as teachers, doctors, engineers and lawyers.
Despite these strides, Kuwaiti women continue to be legally defined as family members, whose rights and responsibilities are circumscribed by their roles as mothers, wives and daughters. Although the constitution does not discriminate between women and men with respect to their citizenship rights, a number of laws passed since its adoption are discriminatory. The 1962 Election Law, for example, restricts the right to vote and run for office to Kuwaiti men.
After the Gulf War, the Kuwaiti women’s movement brought the voting issue to the forefront, providing the ground for an alliance between Islamist and liberal women activists. Suffragists invoked the heroic roles of women under Iraqi occupation, the sacrifices of female martyrs and wartime hardships as justifications for gaining political rights. Women inside Kuwait had participated in armed resistance and risked their lives smuggling food, money and medicine through military checkpoints. Many were caught, tortured, and killed.
But whatever the sacrifices made and stereotypes challenged, the all-male parliament remained reluctant to extend to women full citizenship rights, theoretically guaranteed by the constitution. In November 1999, an Islamist-tribalist coalition succeeded in defeating a decree issued by Kuwait’s ruler, Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmed al-Sabah, which would have granted women the right to run for office and vote in parliamentary and municipal elections.
Opponents appeal to narrow interpretations of religious law to justify the denial of citizenship rights to women. But the real impetus for their actions is a deep anxiety over a sluggish economy and changing gender roles. Climbing unemployment among Kuwaiti youth has raised questions about male identity as a breadwinner. Masculinity appears to be in crisis. Women are not only beginning to dominate some sectors in the labour market, they are also moving into positions of power in government and industry. The president of Kuwait University, the under-secretary in the ministry of higher education, and the managing director of the oil industry are all women. Female suffrage would not only undermine male supremacy, but also strengthen women’s power in the public sphere. Hence, throughout the 1990s, Islamists and their Bedouin supporters used different rationales to confine women to their traditional identities. They blamed rising divorce rates, child delinquency and declining family values on women’s departure from their traditional roles. This Islamist-tribalist coalition even managed to force parliament to pass a law allowing working mothers early retirement in an attempt to make more public-sector jobs available to Kuwaiti men.
Nevertheless, Kuwaiti women are not willing to give up their gains, nor to end their movement for political rights. Following the defeat of the decree, female activists filed six court cases against the ministry of interior for not allowing them to register to vote, a move intended to force a ruling on the constitutionality of the Election Law.
Education has changed women’s perceptions of themselves and their role in society. Even the most ardent Islamist women activists advocate the extension of the franchise to women and their participation in the public domain. Unlike liberal women activists who forged alliances with men’s democratic groups, Islamist women have opted to work from within religious movements. For almost two decades, they have played the role of day`at (preachers), converting young women to Islam and extolling the virtues of a moral society. They succeeded in changing Kuwaiti women and popularizing the wearing of the Islamic veil.
Involvement in Islamist movements has actually given women new forms of power and prominence. The idealization of the role of mothers as educators has increased their authority in the home. At the same time, by elevating the importance of female modesty, Islamist women have acquired a dignified and respected position in the public arena.
Empowered Islamist women activists share with their male counterparts the same dream of achieving an Islamic society ruled by religious idioms and norms. However, their ideal society appears to differ from the masculinist, hierarchical, ethical order in which women are disenfranchised and confined to roles dictated by their biological constitution. Islamist women activists are today embracing a more autonomous vision of an Islamic society and gender roles. Working from within the religious movements has given them the chance to engage in a dialogue over women’s rights issues and create a new model of Muslim womanhood.
Women’s gender activism in Kuwait is as diverse as it is complex, and highlights the ambiguity of their social status in a rapidly modernizing country. Most importantly, it reflects the variety of women’s choices and aspirations in their struggle for gender equity.

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On a shopping spree in Kuwait City.


Eye to eye: in other circles, women talk business.


Mama Anessa, hostess of an educational TV show.

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photo Asserting themselves: calling for reforms at Kuwait University.

Despite setbacks, there’s no letting up on the right-to-vote campaign.

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Key figures…

Population: 2 million
Surface area:
18,000 sq. km
Female/male literacy rate:
78.5%/ 83.2%
Female/male GDP per capita:
$13,347 vs $34,466
Sources: World Bank, UNDP (1998,1999).


Kuwait

…and dates
11899: A protectorate treaty is signed with Great Britain.
1961:
Full independence achieved.
August 1990:
Iraqi troops invade the country.
February 1991:
US-led UN coalition forces liberate Kuwait.
1994:
Iraq informs the UN that it recognizes Kuwait's sovereignty, territorial integrity and international boundaries.

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