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 EDITORIAL
September 11, 2001
Making sense of the attack
Close to 7,000 dead, nearly all of them missing. The world’s sole superpower struck at the heart of its economic life and defence system, something that no state at war with the U.S. had previously managed to achieve. A whole new scale of destruction, marking the advent of “hyper-terrorism.” Suspects linked to obscure transnational networks believed to centre around a billionaire warlord, hidden in a country that could not be more different from America. No admission of responsibility. The September 11 attacks were unthinkable. For this very reason, the shockwaves that ensued have been unprecedented.
First thoughts went to the victims, their families and the nation, in a spirit of unreserved solidarity. Then, once rescue operations got underway and public security measures were taken, came disbelief, rage and resolve, but also, on a more diffuse level, the time for introspection and doubt.
American military forces are mobilizing and Operation “Infinite Justice,” (renamed “Enduring Freedom”) has been launched. But to deliver what kind of justice, within what legal constraints and against whom? Doing justice to the victims and preventing more violence by dismantling terrorism is a legitimate and imperative obligation. But the wall of an American Muslim insitute bears an anonymous warning: “An ‘eye for an eye’ leaves everyone blind.” Retaliation against fanatics using force alone succumbs to their logic. The military and security response can only be fair, and thus effective, if it is part of a global answer to the key question: how and why did we come to this?
So far, the words that are repeatedly cited– war, civilization and Islamism–stand in the way of profound analysis. The first word is inappropriate, since wars are fought between nation-states. The second has a painful history that can be traced back to the Enlightenment, when humanity was divided into the “civilized” and “barbarians” in order to legitimize Western conquests. This war-cry of “civilization” came to paper over colonial expansion. Today, use of this word in the singular suggests that the world contains only one civilization, relegating all others to an inferior or even non-existent status. The third term, Islamism, describes a political and religious movement advocating expansion of and respect for Islam. The term is increasingly confused with its violent extremes, which are condemned by most Muslims. To line up this skewed definition with the words “war” and “civilization” is to adopt exactly the same way of thinking as that embraced by the alleged culprits. Actions that stem from such an interpretation inevitably lead to a dead-end.
Reactions to the attacks as gleaned from the international press offer a starting point for reflection. They point to significant fault lines. The attacks were clearly a trauma for Americans, as well as for many people, mostly living in developed countries. A very small number of people openly displayed abominable joy. A larger group, while empathizing with the victims, looked upon these attacks as one more instance–albeit a more dramatic one–of a plague of violence affecting the entire planet. This time it had hit the U.S., as it had already struck many other countries. Yet perhaps the greatest number of people around the world showed no more than indifference, as if these events were happening on another planet, or did not break with life’s daily routine.
More than half a century ago in London, when German bombs were still raining upon the city, diplomats and an educated group of men and women gathered to reflect upon the unthinkable events of their time. Why and how, in the heart of “Christian Europe,” in the country with the most educated population, could Nazism surge and the Holocaust take place? What new world order could prevent a return to barbarism? Their answers are cast in UNESCO’s Constitution. They found that a denial of reason unleashed a denial of human dignity. They attributed this to barriers erected between people, which gave rise to “mutual incomprehension.” Their answer lay in a voluntary mission that called for the development of the “free exchange of ideas and knowledge” for the “purposes of mutual understanding”–the “United Nations.” They sought to give meaning to a world that had gone adrift by restoring “the moral and intellectual solidarity of mankind.”
True, the historic context was starkly different from today. True, the world has strayed from the path traced by these visionaries. One probably explains the other. But do these differences invalidate the visionaries’ conclusions and render their path impracticable?

The UNESCO Courier, September 25, 2001

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