in coastal regions and in small islands
Coastal region and small island papers 10
|Welome address at the Inaugural Summit on Motu Kaitabu Development, National Capital District, Papua New Guinea||Appendix 1|
by the Honourable Kabua Kabua, Chairman of the Motu Koitabu Council
As we approach the new millennium, the Motu Koitabu people of the National Capital District must now seriously ask some important questions relating to their lives, such as: ‘Where are we heading? What is our destiny? What are our needs and wants?’
We need a political direction. What do we want to achieve for our Motu Koitabu people in terms of political, economic, social, cultural and spiritual developments as we enter the 21st century? It is time to take stock of our affairs. Results from past efforts were not realized for various reasons. There were possibly system failures, human failures; this we do not know. But one thing is certain: we have been left behind in terms of development for far too long by ‘outsiders’ living in the NCD. We are just spectators in the development of our own land.
To assist the Motu Koitabu Council determine the political directions of our people, this summit is organized so that prominent Motu Koitabu leaders from our villages can come together to identify and discuss the current problems being faced by our people. The invited leaders include politicians, businessmen, bureaucrats, academics, village elders, women’s representatives, church and youth leaders.
It is my belief that my council must and will exercise a ‘bottom-up planning approach’, such that all our villages will be involved in any development plans that affect their respective areas. We must also accept and adopt the ‘Community-based Development Project/Programme’ methods recommended by the United Nations. This will involve collecting and analysing socio-economic data before formulating policies and strategies for the development of our Motu Koitabu people.
During the next two days, your resource speakers will be talking to you about environmental issues, the legal status of the Motu Koitabu Council, the impact of decentralization and reform on Motu Koitabu villages, education and other topics of interest.
I am more than happy to see a very good attendance here this morning and it is my pleasure to welcome each and every one of you to this summit. May your discussions be fruitful and this summit a success. God bless you always.
|Summary of the UNESCO-CSI field project on 'Sound development in the Motu Koitabu urban villages, Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea'||Appendix 2|
1 March 2001
To address, through generating awareness and self-realisation, the social, economic and environmental problems affecting the livelihood of the Motu Koitabu people.
Motu Koita villages in Port Moresby, the national capital of Papua New Guinea.
Representatives of the Motu Koitabu villages; Motu Koitabu Council; Papua New Guinea Institute of Public Administration (PNGIPA), National Commission of Papua New Guinea for UNESCO; UNESCO: Associated Schools Project network (ASPnet), ‘Growing up in Cities’ (GUIC) project, Management of Social Transformations (MOST) programme, Coastal Regions and Small Islands (CSI) platform.
|Pilot project leader:||
Mr. Haraka Gaudi,
The Motu Koitabu, numbering around 30,000 of the
city’s 250,000 total
population, are the traditional landowners of the greater Port Moresby area.
The city’s current population is a cross-section of people from all the
provinces of the country and the world over.
Problems faced by the local people are related to rapid urbanization and
limited space. Major development
projects exacerbate these problems.
Phase 1 (completed 1998): An awareness campaign in Baruni, Tatana and Hanuabada villages, together with site surveys, data collection and meetings with villagers, were conducted. A final report covering Phase 1 was prepared.
Phase 2: The activities have included:
Awareness seminars conducted in Baruni and Hanuabada villages. Baruni seminars targeted church-based youth groups, while the Hanuabada session formed part of the United Church Urban Region Youth Convention, attended by 600 youths from urban areas like Port Moresby, Madang, Lae (Morobe Province), Goroka (Eastern Highlands Province), Popondetta (Oro Province), Manus,Wewak and Vanimo. The findings of the Phase 1 Final Report were disseminated to the participants.
The successful and historic Inaugural Summit on Motu Koitabu Development was held in Baruni village from 31 August to 1 September 1999. The theme of the summit was ‘Identity and Survival of Motu Koitabu People in the Year 2000 and Beyond’.
A working group adopted by the summit, the Motu Koitabu Task Force, was established under the leadership of Mr Gaudi. A general meeting was organized on 20 December 1999 at Parliament House by Lady Carol Kidu, Member of Parliament for Port Moresby South Electorate.
A workshop on ‘Growing up in Cities’ was held in Port Moresby in November 1999. Young people from the NCD and all over PNG took part. Participants gained experience in co-operation and interaction among themselves and with others to influence their own human and physical environment. A youth declaration was also prepared.
Lady Kidu was appointed as Chairperson of the Special Parliamentary Committee on Urbanization and Social Development. In December 2000, the final report of this special committee was submitted to parliament. Mr Kabua Kabua and Mr Gaudi presented a set of Motu Koitabu position papers to this parliamentary committee in a public hearing in early March 2000.
|Achievements & Assessment:||
|List of contributors||
David CHOULAI and Kaia VARONA
Lady Carol KIDU, MP
|Discussion items relating to Papua New Guinea in the 'Wise coastal practices for sustainable human development virtual forum'||Appendix 4|
articles listed relate to Papua New Guinea, and may be accessed at the ‘Wise
Coastal Practices for Sustainable
Development’ forum at http://www.csiwisepractices.org
user name= csi, password= wise.
The forum contains contributions from all over the world.
analysis of major infrastructural developments / Papua New Guinea – Haraka
sought about levels of government control – Gillian Cambers
of government responsibility/concepts of land ownership – Haraka Gaudi
impact assessment and capacity building – Maria Rosario Partidario
impact assessment as a management tool / Philippines – Miguel Fortes
impact assessment/mobilizing the public – Haraka Gaudi
control of water supply / Papua New Guinea – Mali Voi
future of the wise practices forum – an Asia-Pacific regional perspective
– Maarten Kuijper
|Social profiles of Baruni, Tatana and Hanuabada villages (1999)||
Baruni village: a social profile
people are members of the Koitabu tribe who live along the coast extending from
Kilakila in the National Capital District to Gorohu in the Central Province,
west of Port Moresby. Traditions state that they came from the hills behind Port
Moresby, several generations before the arrival of Europeans, and are the
in their history, the Baruni people were known to have lived inland, away from
the present village site. They settled in different hamlets on a seasonal basis.
During the planting/rainy season (November to March), each clan or ‘iduhu’
would live in hamlets in their gardening areas. In the dry season (June to
October), when hunting was the main occupation, they would live in other
hamlets. There was no concept of permanent villages before missionary contact in
the early 1870s. Their livelihood was based on hunting, gardening, gathering
food and a traditional exchange system with the Motuans especially from
Hanuabada. Wallaby and wild boar meat, and garden produce were exchanged for
sago and fish.
missionaries of the London Missionary Society (LMS) arrived in the Port Moresby
area on 21 November 1872 and thereafter converted the people to Christianity.
They introduced the Baruni people to the idea of living in permanent villages.
are no chiefs in the Koitabu tribal hierarchy. The Koitabu had clan or iduhu
leaders who were warriors and hunters. The basis of the iduhu is the patrilineal
line. Women normally joined the iduhu of their husband, living with his group.
There are seven traditional iduhus in Baruni.
all village activities are centred on the church. One of the reasons for the
Motu Koitabu’s complacency about all major development on their land, is the
notion that ‘God will punish the wrongdoers’. Even if villagers know who is
responsible for misappropriation of church funds, or who conspired with the
developers, etc., they will leave settlement of these matters to God, despite
the fact that there are established courts and legal avenues. The religion in
Baruni is predominantly United Church, although there is now an emerging
table which follows on the next page shows the population characteristics for
Baruni village. This is based on a house-to-house survey conducted by Mr Haraka
Gaudi in 1999.
|0–13 yrs (child)||579||39|
|Education level (highest qualifications)|
expectancy is around 56 for males and 60 for females. On the average, the
household size index is estimated at 7.5 people per dwelling unit; however,
there are situations where as many as three to four families may live together
in a single house.
have brought Kerema and Kairuku people (from Gulf and North Western Central
Province), as well as from other provinces, to reside in the southern and north
western parts of the village. The village cannot be clearly divided on a clan or
iduhu basis, members are intermingled in small groups throughout. Bigger and
better, modern-type houses are now being built north of the village.
the 1970s and 1980s, about 60% of employees worked as non-manual workers in
government departments and private firms (many as clerks or general office
workers). However, in recent years, employment in the government sector has
decreased dramatically. Now most Motu Koitabu people are employed as general
labourers and security personnel.
Tatana village: a social profile
village is located on a 25.5 ha island, about 4 km from Port Moresby City. The
people are predominantly Motuan but a few Koitabu have migrated from Baruni due
to intermarriages. The village is divided into two main clans: Araira and Tatana.
the other Motu Koitabu villages, the origin of the Tatana people is not clear.
While other traditional villages have been in existence prior to European
contact, Tatana is said to be a recent settlement, with its origins just prior
to World War II. The villagers were evacuated during the war and returned to the
site after the war. During their absence, American servicemen built the causeway
linking the mainland to the island. The American servicemen used the northern
part of the island as a wharf. Since the war, the causeway has been widened into
a two-lane access road by the NCDC.
following table shows the population characteristics for
Tatana village. This is based on a house-to-house survey
conducted by Mr Haraka Gaudi in 1999.
|0–13 yrs (child)||637||34|
|Education level (highest qualifications)|
pattern and character of Tatana reflects a typical
Motuan village. The houses are arranged in traditional
styles according to clan groupings (iduhu), and are built in a linear
arrangement extending out to sea as the clan expands. Footbridges or walkways
(‘nese’) built between rows of houses serve a number of purposes. They mark
clan boundaries, provide public access and carry water pipes and electricity
lines to each house.
houses have changed the traditional village character, image and lay-out. The
new houses are sporadic and do not follow a formal pattern; particularly those
built on land. These new migrants to Tatana, many through intermarriage, prefer
living on the land.
urban services like water and electricity are available, but water in particular
is inadequate. Tatana and neighbouring Baruni have been without water for more
than 10 years; women and children carry heavy containers of water from low-lying
sections of the village where the water pressure is higher. Sometimes this is
done on a daily basis, especially during the dry season. Waste disposal and
garbage pick-up was discontinued some 10 years ago. While pit latrines are
common for houses built on land, people still dispose of human waste, as well as
plastics and non-perishable items, in the sea.
substantial landfill along the foreshore area of the island had provided more
land for housing. Over the past 20 years, the village has expanded in size as
well as in population, but this has been restricted to the sheltered northern
part of the island. Two natural factors, topographical limitations and the
prevailing Southeast Trade Winds restrict further extension of the village.
Hanuabada village: a social profile
Hanuabada is located about 2 km from Port Moresby in the Fairfax Harbour area. The people are predominantly Motuan but there are two Koitabu settlements occupying different locations within this big village. The settlements are, from southeast to northwest along the coast, Hohodae (Koitabu), Poreporena (Motu), Tanobada (Motu), Elevala – an island now joined to the mainland (Motu) – and Kuriu (Koitabu).
Koitabu were said to be the original landowners and were renowned as sorcerers.
Motuan men were discouraged from marrying Koitabu women and, for there own
safety, kept to their own group and lived over the sea. This practice has
continued to the present day. Migrants from Gulf Province live at Gabi village.
1941, the villagers were evacuated and the village was occupied by the
Australian New Guinea Auxiliary Unit. Labourers accidentally burnt it down in
May 1943. The villagers returned to the village after the war in late 1945, and
in 1949 the Australian Army rebuilt the section over the water.
of limited resources and the size of Hanuabada, there was no house-to-house
connection with the church is very strong, more so than any other Motu Koitabu
village. Although the village is predominantly United Church, other churches
also have influential standing. There are 18 Motuan and 8 Koitabu iduhus in
Hanuabada. Clan leaders are in charge of clan matters while deacons take care of
Often the houses built over the sea are occupied by three to four families (20–30+ individuals). These houses follow a linear pattern, with the walkway defining iduhu boundaries. The traditional clan leader’s house is the first over the sea and closest to the land, symbolizing his social status. The clan leader determines where everyone builds his house in his clan boundary. Houses built on land demonstrate a more sporadic layout. Because of a land shortage, people have actually moved inland, building new homes even over existing graves in the cemetery. People living along the road between the primary school and the Gabi settlement now bury their dead near their houses. The future of the houses over the sea is unknown, since they are not included in the plans of the proposed port relocation project.