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II.
Changing Demographic, Economic, Social and Political Contexts
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It is impossible to understand changes in the field of early
childhood care and development unless attention is given to
the broader context in which those changes are occurring. This
document cannot pretend to provide a detailed description and
analysis of changing contexts nor of their affects on the status
of children and the evolution of early childhood care and development
programmes during the 1990s. It can, however, highlight a number
of trends and shifts in order to serve as a reminder that changes
unrelated to anything that occurred at Jomtien are likely to
have had as much, or more, impact on ECCD, for good and ill,
than the World Conference and the ensuing activities could hope
to have. Accordingly, it seems wise to celebrate modest advances
and to be humble with respect to expectations. |
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| A. Continuing
demographic, economic, social and political shifts |
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At the outset of the decade, most of the major trends weighing
heavily on early childhood care and development in the 1990s
were visible, some with a long life, all varying from place
to place. For instance:
Industrialisation
continues, accompanied by internal migration and urbanisation.
With these shifts have come important changes in family
structure and composition, usually a reduction in extended
families and an increase in nuclear and one-parent families.
Industrial employment makes it more difficult to combine
work and parenting roles than agrarian employment. These
changes, together with the crowded and insecure conditions
of cities create new demands for extra-domestic childcare
and motivate changes in approaches to childcare and childrearing.
Declining
birth rates in some countries have opened opportunities
for new educational initiatives as the numbers of children
to be attended to prior to school entry (and in some cases
now at the primary school level) diminish. Declining infant
mortality rates still offset declining birth rates in some
countries but have also pushed societies to pay more attention
to the education and development of young children who now
survive, but in often deplorable conditions, negatively
affecting development.
Scientific
and technological changes in communications, travel, health,
and other fields, have helped to change public awareness,
are providing new options for promoting and fostering ECCD,
and also present challenges to childrearing as we enter
the twenty-first century.
Globalisation
and the turn toward market economies which gained momentum
in the 1980s, are accompanied by increases in levels of
poverty and in economic and social inequalities. To try
and counter this tendency, governments and international
organisations have been pushed to support "compensatory"
programmes, among which figure many ECCD programmes. There
is as well a growing concern about changing values linked
to globalisation, leading to calls in some countries for
new initiatives to counter the advance of consumerism and
individualism, beginning in the early years.
The
mobilisation and emancipation of women, beginning in earnest
in the 1970s, has helped to foster increasing participation
by women in the paid labour force, creating new demands
for programmes of early childhood care.
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B.
The 1990s
During the decade of the 1990s, some of the above tendencies
intensified and several new major developments appeared with
potential affects on early childhood:
1. The
technological revolution intensified.
2.
The pace of globalisation picked up, accompanied not only
by increases in inequality, poverty, exclusion and "compensatory"
programs, but also by growth in employment in the informal
sector (where employees do not have access to childcare
benefits sometimes given in the formal sector). The ability
of low income populations to buy services has been further
reduced.
3.
Globalisation has also helped to drive a redefinition of
the role of the state, with implications for how all social
programmes are handled, including ECCD. Budgeting processes
have been affected.
4.
Internal strife and civil wars have increased in number,
accompanied by displacement from homes for many people and
sometimes by separation of children from their families.
5.
Accelerated movement toward democracy has occurred in some
areas but has receded in others, affecting priorities and
policies.
6.
The Soviet Union broke up and with it has come a decline
of the socialist model which has placed considerable emphasis
on providing a particular kind of institutionalised child
care.
7.
The process of decentralisation has accelerated in many
countries.
8.
A major blip in the pace of economic development occurred
in the Asian region provoking some rethinking.
9.
The ecology movement gained momentum
10.
The pandemic of HIV/AIDS has reached disastrous levels in
some countries, particularly those within Sub-Saharan Africa.
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All of the above have had important concomitant effects on the
composition and structure of families, on childrearing patterns
and practices, on the welfare and quality of life of children,
and on policies and programmes intended to improve that quality
of life. In the survey of knowledgeable people, frequent reference
was made to poverty, unemployment, economic crises and adjustments,
inequality, erosion of social values and dislocation associated
with conflict as barriers to the advance of ECCD. |
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These effects differ from place to place. There are immense
differences in the timing and incidence of particular trends
and of conditions in particular countries, with accompanying
differences in their influence on early childhood care and development,
both across and within countries of the "Majority World". For
instance, it is difficult to discuss in the same tense and voice
ECCD programmes in Eastern Europe (especially countries of the
exSoviet Union) and in the African sub continent. Most countries
in both regions are struggling to construct "new" identities
while preserving traditions, and both are plagued by major economic
problems, but the starting points are very different, the cultures
are worlds apart, and the particular conditions (e.g., the relative
presence of HIV/AIDS) make it difficult to include the two regions
in the same conversation. It does not make much sense to try
and compare directly ECCD programmes in China or India with
those in, let us say, Niue (population approximately 2,000)
or even Jamaica (population about two million). The current
state of play in Afghanistan (with an Under 5 mortality rate
above 250, a per capita GNP per capita of less than US$250,
and a traditional theocracy) or Angola (U5MR = 292, GNP = $270,
continuing civil disruption) makes it difficult to bring them
together in the same document with, for instance, Singapore
(U5MR = 4; GNP = $30,550 or Chile (U5MR = 13; GNP = $4,860).
Clearly, generalisations must be tempered. Templates and formulas
and the search for a unique and magical solution must be avoided.
Against this background of shifts in demographic, socio-economic
and geo-political contexts, and with the caveat against generalisation
in mind, we turn now to an examination of how ECCD has changed
since Jomtien. |
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