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Stigmatization of urban processes
in India: an analysis of terminology
with
special reference to slum situations
Amitabh Kundu
| Introduction
Negative words in the urban vocabulary of India is of recent origin. Possibly, this dates back only to the advent of British rule in the country. It has been argued that the urban centres in the ancient and medieval period functioned as administrative and trading centres and provided multifarious services to the people living both within as well as outside these centres. They always looked towards these centres with expectations, seeking solutions to their problems in periods of crisis. There was, therefore, no stigma attached to urbanisation which explains the limited number of negative terms associated with it in ancient literature. It may also be argued that the political set-up of that period permitted history or political economy to be written by only "knowledgeable men" owing allegiance to the rulers and elite class. The same is true for the writers of literature. In the absence of democracy, the views and perceptions of the common people or those not benefitting from the towns or cities could not possibly find expression in the entire body of formal knowledge. The process of urbanisation in colonial India led to two distinct distortions and, as a consequence, two types of negative terminology emerged on the scene. One, those that view or describe urbanisation itself as a negative phenomenon – a process of generating problems. These problems concern exploitation of resources, destabilising the agrarian economy, pollution, accentuation of regional imbalance etc. and have an adverse impact on the entire society. A number of the negative citywords, notable in the academic and policy documents and literature of today can indeed be traced back to the colonial period. Several of these have been coined by academicians, policy makers, novelists, poets etc. in the process of describing and analysing the problems posed by the cities to the people in the region and to the in-migrating population. Some owe their origin to official documents drawn up to regulate urban growth or find solutions to the urbanisation problems. But they originate also from the rural people in the hinterland who had to "bear the brunt of the negative consequences of colonial urbanisation" like the destruction of their agrarian economy, the degradation of ecology and social values, the loss of able bodied manpower etc. Some of these terms are, thus, coined by these people who rightly or wrongly felt aggrieved or considered themselves at the receiving end of the problems created through urbanisation. Documentation of the people’s perception and articulation of their anguish, frustration etc. through coinage of new words over the last two hundred years is scanty but it does exist. It would, nonetheless, be worthwhile instigating further studies on the oral tradition, folklore etc. of this period to understand the evolution of negative citywords. The second type of negative terminology is due to segmentation of space within the cities and emergence of slum areas. There are terms used by the gentry to describe these areas, their nature and socio-economic characteristics. These capture the unhappiness but apathy of this elite class towards slums as well as their apprehension about their adverse impact. Besides these, people residing in the slums developed their own vocabulary for describing the city life in general and their own existence in particular. This, in several ways, reflects their sufferings, helplessness and anger. This paper makes an attempt to examine the evolution of "negative urban terms" and to place these in their historical and socio-cultural context. It also analyses how certain neutral terms have acquired negative connotations in the process of their use in urban setting. This helps in understanding the contemporary conflict of interests and values in the urban scene and their possible role in the dynamics of future development and in designing a strategy for intervention. The second section, following this introductory section, looks at the
concept of the city, its role and functions for its residents, as emerging
from the texts in ancient India. The third section presents the distortions
in urban structure brought about during British rule and the emergence
of negative words as a consequence. The last section discusses how the
interactions of researchers, administrators and institutions in India with
those outside the country have led to the enrichment of urban vocabulary
and, in particular, contributed to the stigmatization of the process of
urbanisation. The active presence of international agencies in the Indian
urban scene during the last few decades has also brought several negative
terms into common use. This, it is argued, may distort our understanding
of urban dynamics and policy perspective.
Concept of City in the Texts of Early India Scholars studying ancient Indian history point out that Indian urban structure was characterised by a rural urban continuum, backed up by a healthy system of spatial interactions. The terms pura and janapada, that is the city and countryside, were often mentioned as two points on a continuum. (1) Importantly, to the majority of the writers of that period, cities represented a moral order determined by the ruler, religion or the priest blessing the kingdom. (2) These, therefore, were accepted as having everything that was good, meritorious and worth coveting such that here "even gods can find happiness after quitting heaven" (Ghosh, 1975). (3) Statements abound in literature, explicitly and implicitly, that the people, goods and services in the cities are unquestionably superior to those found elsewhere. There were many different, good places on earth to live and achieve professional and personal fulfilment but the best was the city. Some writers, however, did not accept that cities necessarily represented all that was good and holy and argued that they could house evil and corruption as well. Indeed, a few feared that Dharma or religion was in jeopardy in the cities. They argued that no one with their body covered with city dust would ever attain salvation (Ghosh, 1990). Furthermore, cities were places where established norms, rituals, codes of good conduct were constantly questioned and were often replaced by new practices. They were where the values prescribed by Dharmashastras, or the religious scriptures, were doubted and even be ridiculed (Buhler, 1879, as quoted in Chattopadhaya). This, according to the scholars, made some cities unsuitable places for young graduates with tender minds or those seeking salvation. Despite this divergence of views on the morality of cities, there is unanimity that the urban system in the country reflected a planned hierarchy – a well defined technical order. Images of a city emerging from research on the ancient period clearly reflect that of a carefully planned settlement. A normative text like Arthashastra of course prescribes the detailed layout for different segments of a city, conforming to the political and social values of the regime. The city was the ideal place to reside not only for the king or the Brahmins, who were at the top of the varna hierarchy, but for people of all varnas and occupations. The layout plan of the city not only specifies the residential zones for people in different varnas but also suggests how interaction for work or pleasure would take place across varnas and occupations (Rangarajan, 1992). Planning norms, thus, allowed mixed land use and certain production and trading activities to be carried out within residential zones. But all these interactions had to take place within a well defined framework. There was mention of extremely high density and people residing in the cities like "reeds and rushes" in a jungle. And yet, there seemed to be little scope for the unwieldy growth of slum settlements within cities (Chattopadhaya, 1997). Of course there were certain areas in the city, mentioned in even Arthashastra, for which the layout pattern and design norms were not spelt out clearly. Such areas have been described as Vastuchidra, which is basically non-residential in character, as opposed to Vastubibhaga – the residential zone of the city. Vastuchidra basically provides the space for interaction of the city dwellers with the rest of the world. There would of course be certain enclosures within this non-residential area, providing accommodation to traders, tourists and travellers. No regular resident of the city was supposed to live in this zone. (4) There was a third area where people were supposed to or indeed lived and that was outside the city limits. The safety and security concerns of city dwellers necessitated restrictions of entry and exclusion of certain people from the cities. This resulted in settlements outside the limits of the city. Here the outlaws, chandalas (who were responsible for cremation) and travellers, who were seeking or denied entry to the city, would reside. Possibly this zone was not very safe for rich city dwellers, but the authority of city administrators, nonetheless, extended to cover this zone. The idea of different segments of cities coexisting with different characteristics can be found not only in Arthashastra but also in some relatively positivistic literature available about a few south Indian cities. In the context of Puhar, Kusumapura etc. the segmentation and characteristics of different zones have been described in great detail. Either an open space or a row of shops would separate two zones, helping them maintain their distinct identities. The differentiated residential zones, market place, courtesans’ quarter, harbour etc. were laid out within a well conceived framework. Cities thus represented planning with heterogeneity. The positivistic literature describes these cities as more open and hospitable than those in Arthashastra, (although the former, too, talks of planned lay out and identifiable zones, as noted above). Cities like Puhar have been described as dynamic entities attracting the best of everything: goods, talents and styles from all directions. People did not have to go out of the city for any reason. The cities were the centres of industry, trade, culture and entertainment and hence everything, therefore, gravitated towards and converged on the city. (5) General understanding emerging from the ancient texts of different types is, thus, that the urban system had certain hierarchy which provided a basis for the organisation of space. This notion of hierarchy is to be noted not merely in the normative literature like the Arthashastra but also in the positivistic literature of that period. The shared perspective was that urban structure linked up settlements in a manner so as to promote healthy development of the regional economy. As a consequence, citywords from the ancient and medieval period do not have very many terms articulating the negative aspects of urbanisation. There is no clear mention of slums; of people living on pavements, or in temporary or physically dilapidated structures, without access to basic amenities. Income disparity appears to have been significant but that did not result in the poor living in unhygienic conditions that could become a health hazard for the entire city population. In the Harappan civilisation, there are indications that the working class lived in small "barrack-like dwellings" in close proximity to their workplace. But even that reflected a well thought out layout and co-ordinated planning. The style and structure were such that researchers have described these as examples of "cantonment planning" or "government planning" (Vats, 1940). Towns and cities in the ancient period, thus, emerged out of the economic
and social needs of the kingdom and, as a consequence, socio-economic disparity
between rural and urban areas did not manifest itself sharply in the language
or culture. Furthermore, there was not much difference in rites, rituals,
values, etc. in urban areas from those in rural areas, as the former were
just more refined and sophisticated versions of those already prevailing
in the region. Urban vocabulary, therefore, did not owe its origin to an
exogenous source and was not imposed from outside but developed as refined,
sophisticated and ubanised expressions of those existing in the region.
The dichotomy between rural and urban terminology, therefore, was not distinctly
visible. (6) Understandably, the vocabulary in rural
areas was limited and language somewhat "inferior" but communication was
always possible and enabled the "good values" and cultural trite to transcend
the urban limits and gradually transform the rural culture. (7)
Stigmatisation of Urban Processes during Colonial Rule The process of urbanisation and creation of cities in colonial India can be described as a breaking of the continuum. This discontinuity happened in two significant ways. One, the growth of cities – determined by exogenous factors like the setting up of a giant trading centre, or a massive public sector project or a national or multi-national company etc. – i.e. the creation of a physical and social structure which is often alien to the region. New urban centres, established through policy decisions of a foreign government or that of one of a few multi-national companies, brought in not only a different physical form but also new social values and culture. Similarly, but possibly to a lesser extent, cities and towns set up by the colonial government, responding to domestic policy needs, were different from those evolving over time through spatial interactions within the region. They were mostly linked to the outside world and responded to exogenous factors. Urbanisation, thus, broke the continuum in space and made rural and urban settlements disparate entities. The second manifestation of distorsion was in terms of the segmentation of cities into blocks, wards and colonies, whereby people in similar socio-economic brackets came to live together. The poor were pushed out to urban peripheries or marginal lands within the cities, resulting in the growth of slums. This spatial segregation of the rich and poor made it easier for the government as well as private agencies to determine the level and quality of basic amenities to match the affordability of the local community or the power structure and, thereby, effectively, to institutionalise the disparity. The break down of the rural-urban continuum and the segmentation of the cities into zones during the colonial period left their impact on citywords. Clearly, it is not only the emergence of slums which explains the negative terms. The very process of urbanisation has often been considered as unhealthy due to distorsions of the first type, mentioned above. As a consequence, the word "urban", even without any qualifying adjective, has come to acquire a dubious connotation in several Indian languages. The word Shahari, implying "of the town", is often used to suggest an attitude or a person which/who is casual, superficial and disrespectful of norms, values and their elders. In Urdu poetry, Shahar is often used metaphorically to describe a place or a situation which is lonely, alienated and unfriendly. The same is true in Bengali, Oriya and several other Indian languages. (8) Several institutions that are an integral part of urban life have negative connotations not only for rural folk but for ordinary citizens. In several Indian languages, the word Dada implies elder brother or grandfather. In its urban context, however, the word is often used to imply a slum lord, a bully, a man using his authority for extorting money or services, generally over the houseless people, pavement dwellers or unorganised sector workers etc. There are several other terms that have acquired negative meanings in urban context although the original meanings are also in use. For example, Pugree, in north Indian languages would imply a turban or headgear, but in the metropolitan housing market (particularly in Maharashtra), it implies a lump sum payment (illegal) made to the person holding the title of a house, for the purpose of renting the premise. Similarly, the dictionary meaning of Hafta is a week, while in its urban context, it also implies a weekly payment – again mostly illegal – made by small industrialists, shop keepers etc. to policemen or local Dadas, in lieu of certain "favours". Many slum dwellers have to make such payments for protection against eviction or physical safety. Most of the negative citywords are, however, associated with slum situations or distortions of the second category, as mentioned above. A large majority of the rural migrants, who were displaced in the process of colonial development, arrived in the large cities seeking employment. A few fortunate ones got absorbed in the factories, basically processing raw materials for exports or producing consumer goods for the local elite. These industries were under no obligation to provide adequate shelter or a reasonable quality of life for their workers. The city administration was too politically and financially weak to take up this responsibility. And central government was more concerned with the extraction of wealth and the maintenance of law and order to address to the problems of the slums, or the health or sanitation therein. In some cities, particularly in the states of Maharashtra and Gujarat, large industrial units tried to attract and retain their workers by providing small tenements or multi-storied row houses in the pattern of army barracks, as discussed above for the Harappan period. The difference was, however, that these row houses, called Chawls, came up without any co-ordinated planning and were deficient in basic amenities. These units, built mostly in the nineteenth century, were found reasonable by the industrial workers who lived there but that increased their dependence on their employer. Over time, however, due to lack of upkeep, dilapidation etc. most of the chawls have become extremely poor in terms of quality of life. (9) Jhuggi and Jhonpdi are two words that signify huts or structures build with bamboo, thatch, raw brick, mud, old building material etc. Such structures are common in rural areas and, therefore, the two terms do not necessarily have negative meanings. In their urban context, however, these are stigmatised and imply structures in slum colonies, mostly unfit for human habitation. Jhonpad patti would literally imply a corridor of Jhonpads or a slum colony. The most common term in north Indian languages for slum settlements having temporary structures or dilapidated or tottering physical units is Basti. The word has its origin in a sanskrit word. The verb Bas means to inhabit or settle down. Basati should therefore mean a habitation or a settlement, rural or uban. The word Basti, a distorted form of the Basati, however, is associated with a congested settlement with high density, facing a deficiency of infrastructure and basic amenities, in several languages like Bengali, Oriya etc. It is beyond the scope of this paper to demonstrate how a neutral term
like Basti, or several others noted above, have been corrupted and
similar words have emerged with negative meanings. It may, nonetheless,
be pointed out that in many regions, the word Basti still denotes
a settlement and not a special kind of settlement. In Hindi-speaking states
like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, etc., Basti would often be a
normal colony with certain shopping facilities. Slums would be described
as Gandi Basti whose literal translation would be a dirty locality.
All these may suggest that the emergence of negative terms is a recent
phenomenon and have not yet become uniform across states and regions.
Import of Terminology and the Negative Perception of Urban Phenomenon in India It has been argued in the preceding section that stigmatisation of the urban process and the usage of negative citywords in India have started largely during the colonial period. In earlier years, the manifestations of urbanisation in India was so different that the need to coin such terminology did not arise. However, in the case of several European countries, these words had become a part of general vocabulary much earlier, due to the serious problems of squalor and ghettos in their large cities. It is needless to point out that acquisition and absorption of negative terms in citywords in India has been influenced heavily by those in western countries. Furthermore, the process of urbanisation has remained structurally the same in the post colonial period – the foreign elites being replaced by local elites – and so the importance of negative citywords has not diminished. Unhappiness about the physical and socio-economic development in cities and their role in the regional economy are reflected in academic literature. As early as the thirties, Kincaid (1938) argued that the colonial city of Calcutta had grown in an unhealthy manner since it "thrived on the strength of the (East India) Company’s creed of corruption, licentiousness and want of principles". Kingsley Davis and Golden (1954) used the term "over- urbanisation", wherein "urban misery and rural poverty exist side by side with the result that the city can hardly be called dynamic". This they thought was the situation in several countries in Asia that had been under the British rule. Breese (1969) talked of "pseudo urbanisation" to depict situations in several less developed countries including India, wherein people arrive in the cities not due to urban pull but rural push. Kundu and Raza (1978) talked of "dysfunctional urbanisation" and "urban accretion" which results in a concentration of the population in a few large cities without a corresponding increase in their economic base, as happened in India during colonial and post colonial period. All these terms, in a way, voiced the dissatisfaction of the researchers, policy makers and administrators with regard to the process of urbanisation and its manifestations. Negative views on the deteriorating physical quality of life in the slums of India seem to have gained prominence in the eighties and nineties with the growing interests of multi-national companies and international agencies in a few large cities. The present strategy of liberalisation and globalisation has attracted several foreign companies already into the country and many more are knocking at the door. The key problem seems to lie in the presence of the slums – sometimes in the centre of the city which is where the proposed development of the commercial centre is destined – and their associated lack of hygiene, and lack of law and order. Their existence is often considered as a threat to prospective investment and, consequently, to the future of city growth. The national government has also given high priority to improving the quality of the urban environment through slum improvement/relocation as this is considered important for attracting foreign investors. Significant changes in administrative and institutional structure are being introduced for this purpose. Strategies are being proposed and implemented to improve the conditions in slums through self-help approaches and commercially viable schemes. The thrust is on strengthening urban governance so that the public and private agencies can provide shelter and basic services to slum dwellers in a cost effective manner, based on their affordability. There are also proposals to relocate the slums on the outskirts and utilise the land currently occupied by them in the central city for office space, commercial plazas and residential complexes for the upper income classes. Slums are thus the focus of concern of academic research and also of policy debate. Given these developments, negative words are less conspicuousnowadays in Indian urban literature. There are, of course, some dangers in this massive importation of terminology and standardisation of concepts that are taking place at the initiative of international agencies like the World Bank, UNDP, the Ford Foundation etc. Behind the standardised jargon, there is a package of schemes which is being advocated to every country in the world for providing shelter and services to people in slum areas or for relocating them outside the city. These schemes, in general, do not have inbuilt flexibility to adjust to the changing socio-economic circumstances of different countries. Standardisation of concepts is also implicit in the indicator based approach, being advocated by UNCHS for project planning and their implementation, which is based on a given set of indicators. Standardisation of citywords across countries for the purpose of implementing
a package of schemes runs the risk of oversimplifying reality and clouding
the specificities of local situations. Accepting an international term
for a regional phenomenon may dislocate the latter from its historical
roots and distort the understanding of a researcher or policy maker. As
a consequence, the solutions proposed could be erroneous as they might
not take the very socio-economic context which has caused the problem into
consideration. There is, thus, need for great caution when standardising
urban vocabulary, and selectivity in using western terms when describing
local Indian conditions. Such attempts by certain agencies are in danger
of homogenizing the overall perspective of urbanisation and prescribing
uniform solutions to widely differing situations without taking their historical
context properly into consideration.
References: Breese, G. (1969): Urbanisation in Newly Developing Countries,
Prentice Hall, New Delhi.
Notes 1. "... the city or the nagara is usually found
at one end of an continuum; the continuum is expressed almost in the form
of a formulae: gama, nigama, nagara." Chattopadhaya 1997. Also,
2. See Ramanujan (Quoted in Chattopadhaya, 1997). 3. In Bhana Ubhayabhisarika, the city of Patliputra
(presently Patna) is described as the tilaka
4. For details, see Chattopadhaya (1997). 5. "Even in actual cities, outsiders may have been
unwelcome through their gates and moats, to
6. "Literature thus gives two initial impressions
about the city. As an apex centre, it is not at a
7. "The resident of the village should narrate the
style of the nagaraka, the city dweller, among
8. In Bengali, there is a word Bombete which implies a hooligan or a ruffian. The origin of the word may possibly be traced to the city of Bombay, presently known officially as Mumbai. 9. The term katra also signifies similar dwelling units in north India that are currently in an extremely delapidated condition. |
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