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Table of ContentsPART I - Final Report
Opening of the Conference
PART II - Conclusions and Recommendations
Annexes:
PART I - FINAL REPORTOPENING OF THE CONFERENCEThe Conference on the Management of Social Transformations programme (MOST) in the Arab States Region was organized by UNESCO in Tunis from 26-28 February 1996, in collaboration with the Ministry of Social Affairs of Tunisia, at the kind invitation of the Tunisian Government. The conference was attended by representatives of governmental and non-governmental bodies, international organizations, foundations, universities, and research institutes from both the Arab Region and Europe (see Annex 1 - List of Participants).A welcoming address was given by Mr Mohammed Jegham, Minister of the Interior of the Republic of Tunisia. The opening remarks were made by Mr Sadok Rabah of the Tunisian Ministry of Social Affairs, Mr. Abdelhamid Escheikh, Ambassador of the Permanent Delegation of Tunisia to UNESCO, and Mr. Ali Kazancigil, Executive Secretary of MOST. The Conference then elected the following members of the Bureau: Chairperson:In his opening remarks, the Chairman presented the Conference Agenda (Annex 1) and the four themes for discussion. The representative of UNESCO, Executive Secretary of MOST, then provided an overview of the MOST programme, describing its gestation and goals and its major objective of linking the world of research with that of policy formation. He described the three principle activities of MOST: firstly, the engaging of locally based researchers and scholars in the elaboration of research programmes; secondly, the development of relevant themes and the production of texts and working documents; and thirdly, the transmission of expertise to policy-makers. In this endeavor, it was emphasized that it is important that decision-makers respect and preserve the autonomy of research, and that researchers understand the perspectives of decision-makers and the constraints under which the latter operate.Mr Hatem KotraineVice-Chairpersons:Ms Fatima CharafeddineRapporteurs:
THEME 1: MANAGEMENT OF CHANGE IN MULTICULTURAL AND MULTIETHNIC SOCIETIES IN THE ARAB STATESThe substantive contribution to this session was a paper prepared by Mr Saad Eddine Ibrahim, Director of the Ibn Khaldoun Center for Development Studies in Cairo, entitled "Management and Mismanagement of Diversity: The Case of Ethnic Conflicts and State- Building in the Arab World." In the absence of the author, his paper was summarized for the participants by Mr Ali Kazancigil.In his paper, the author observes that intra-state, ethnic/sectarian conflict accounts for the vast majority of the wars in the world today, and especially so in the Arab world. The disproportionality of ethnic conflicts vis-a-vis inter-state conflicts in the Arab world is all the more remarkable in view of the socio-cultural demographics in this region. Whether considering race, religion, sect, or language, the Arab world is one of the more ethnically homogeneous areas in the world, in the sense that the populations of the Arab states are mainly Muslim and speak the Arabic language. The Arab states, moreover, account for a disproportionate share of wars in the world over the past fifty years. The question of ethnicity -- which may be understood here in a more global sense, encompassing sectarian and other ascriptive identities -- is thus one of great importance in the Arab world and should in principle be a major object of research for Arab social scientists. This has not been the case, however, despite the centrality of identity in Arab political discourse. The question of ethnicity, or identity, has received little attention from Arab scholars. It has been almost a taboo subject, as discourse on the issue has been dominated by the competing ideologies of pan- Arab nationalism and Islamism, both of which gloss over, or deny altogether, the existence or legitimacy of ethnic or confessional sub-identities. These two ideologies also do not acknowledge the notion that individuals in the Arab world may possess several concurrent identities or sub-identities, of which the quality of being Arab or Muslim may only be one. In forging their politico-cultural identities, Arab states, have mainly been concerned with reconciling the dichotomies of country patriotism (wataniyya) vs. Arab nationalism (qawmiyya) and religion vs. secularism/laicite, though most do not come down clearly on one side or the other. The author examined the manner in which ethnicity has interacted with politics in the Arab world over the course of this century, giving particular emphasis to the impact that intervention from countries outside the region has had in exacerbating latent ethnic conflict, or in laying the seeds for future problems. He also noted that the interests of minorities were well represented during the period of relatively liberal government that a number of Arab states experienced from the 1920s into the 1950s. The status of ethnic minorities began to deteriorate with the rise of Arab nationalism and the advent of military-backed authoritarian regimes, several of which were dominated by ethnic or regionally-based minorities. The author declared ethnicity to be one of the most serious challenges facing the Arab world today and concluded by asserting that matters of identity cannot be managed in the absence of democracy. Participatory politics together with dense associational life, i.e. a flourishing civil society, is the most effective means for managing ethnically diverse societies. He further added that federal-type arrangements should be considered as an option by states in the region, which may represent an updated, modernized form of the Ottoman Millet system. This paper confronted both the question of democracy and civil society and advanced a general proposal for institutional reform in order to deal with the problem of ethnic conflict. "Social change in Lebanon after the recent war and perspectives for a solution" was presented by Ms Fahima Charafeddine and touched on some of the issues discussed in the previous paper. She observed that the centrifugal forces that had always been latent in Lebanese society were enforced by the country's civil war, and had brought about the collapse of modern integrative institutions. The fifteen-year war played a pernicious role by deepening the problems that had led to war's outbreak in the first place and resulted in large-scale social changes. In addition to provoking economic decline in all sectors of development , leading to an absolute fall in living standards for the middle and lower classes, and widening disparities in wealth, the war generated the division of the country into geographically delimited areas based on sectarian or confessional homogeneity and weakened the central state to the benefit of confessionally-based institutions and forces. The war aggravated the confessional issue, as a whole range of sect-based associations appeared up to fill the breach left by the effective collapse of the Lebanese state. Since the end of the war in the early 1990s the Lebanese state has been trying to rebuild itself, re-establish a sense of national integrity, and promote economic growth and social cohesion. Though agreeing that these are all necessary and noble objectives, the speaker advanced the view that the Lebanese authorities were putting too much emphasis on "liberal" solutions that grant a primary role to the private sector. The private sector, she maintained, does not possess the long-term outlook that can only be provided by the state. National integration and economic development in Lebanon, it was insisted, must be directed by a strong, central state. What is needed is a type of Welfare-State. In any case, the only adequate way in which to manage social problems in Lebanon is through democracy and the rule of law (Etat de droit), economic and social planning, and an efficient and non-corrupt adminstration. Research centres should be engaged in the furthering of these endeavours. These centres would work not only on a national level but also on a regional level, to help find solutions to common problems. The presentation of the paper by the Arab Sociological Association was made by Mr Tahar Labib, who used the expression « repli identitaire » in describing the situation in Lebanon. This expression was not used in the context of the debate over multiethnic societies, but rather as a warning of what may happen to the new generation of students in the Arab world who are confronted with the crisis in their educational systems and risk being attracted to Islamist movements. The Arab Sociological Association delineated two themes that have been of particular interest to its members in recent years. The first revolves around the concepts of civil society, democratic transitions, tolerance, and the negotiated management of social crises. The second concerns the relationship between identity and otherness (altérité), and giving pre-eminence to the question of how Arabs construct images of the Other. The Arab Sociological Association proposed that a regional social science organization be created, in order to promote theoretical and practical training, and facilitate exchanges on both an inter-Arab level and with the international social sciences community as a whole. Based on its observations, the Arab Sociological Association proposed two projects to the MOST Programme: the first being a research project on "the negotiated management of social crises: the concepts of tolerance and pacts of social reconciliation;" and the second, a project for an inter-regional seminar for the training of young sociologists. In the general discussion that followed, issues related to multicultural and multi-ethnic societies were raised on several occasions, often indirectly and in the context of addressing other problems. One participant expressed the view that the question of ethnicity was obfuscated and often avoided altogether by academic researchers, either for ideological reasons or to avoid violating taboos. In this context it was remarked that democracy provides the best institutional means for evaluating a country's problems and resolving conflict peacefully. Another participant expressed a different view, saying that although social and cultural differences do indeed exist in the Arab world, the variables of religion and ethnicity should not be accorded special importance. The imperative consideration should be Arab unity, that has been the expressed goal of a number of governments in the region. Though the theme of Arab unity was not echoed by others, one speaker questioned it was useful to talk about ethnic issues in relatively homogeneous societies such as, for example, Tunisia. Such a topic, he concluded, was relevant nonetheless, given that Arabs peoples are living in an increasingly globalized culture. With the movement of people across borders, the influx of tourists, the influence of foreign cultural models, etc., it is important that Arabs be conscious of their own identity. It is natural that Arab academics and intellectuals should want their civilization to be open to others, but they should not forget their responsibility to their own societies and moral values. The theme of identity was raised repeatedly. The remark was made that the Arab world is becoming increasingly marginal in the global production of scientific knowledge and is falling further and further behind the rest of the world in this and other important areas. This increasingly critical lag is intimately linked to the multiform crisis the region is currently experiencing and which is especially acute in the area of culture and identity. The feeling that the Arab world is being left behind by globalization has accentuated the "repli identitaire" that was invoked previously. One participant said that, given the importance of the identity question in the Arabo-Muslim world, perhaps it would be useful to expand, or enlarge, the notion of ethnicity to include the differing identities that are strongly felt by those who are of the same ethnic and confessional background. One has in mind here the very real cleavage, which is particularly acute in the Maghreb countries, of those with a so-called "modernist" and "laic" outlook (e.g. francophone, oriented toward Europe) and the large numbers in society (mainly Arab-speaking and less attracted to the West) for whom Islam occupies the principle place in their hierarchy of identities as they negotiate their way into modernity. This cleavage gives rise to the same sort of issues one finds in ethnically or confessionally divided societies, e.g. what kinds of institutions (including legal systems) may best enable individuals to preserve their particular culture and way of life, while remaining full citizens. In his remarks, the session rapporteur observed that the issue of communitarianism introduces several dimensions: among them the dimension of identity, the social dimension (the production of Otherness), and the dimension relating to power. One of the participants stated that no consensus exists on the issue of ethnicity, maintaining that Arab researchers have quite simply not dealt with it. It has been scrupulously avoided, he contended, as the Arab academic community has by and large subscribed to dominant ideological notions on this subject. Two speakers argued that identities are not innate to individuals but are social constructions which evolve over time. Furthermore, as one pointed out, the Arab world is not unique in its perceived crisis of culture and identity. Many societies across the globe are experiencing these very same problems. Arab researchers should thus be encouraged to adopt a broad, comparative approach in their treatment of the culture/identity issue.
THEME 2: CITIES AS THE SITES OF ACCELERATED SOCIAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE ARAB STATESTwo keynote papers were given in this session. The first was by Mr Mostafa Kharoufi, entitled "Urbanization and Urban Research in the Arab World". The object of the paper was to present the status of research on Arab cities in relation to the level of urbanization in the Arab World. The author based the synthesis contained in his paper on the work carried out by the Global Urban Research Initiative (GURI), an international network involving thirteen research centres from developing countries and financed by the Ford Foundation.The author began by underlining the extraordinary growth of cities the Arab world is currently witnessing, as well as the many other changes that are being brought about by urbanization. Approximately half the Arab world's population of 200 million are city dwellers, making it the most heavily urbanized part of the developing world after Latin America. This accelerated urbanization is destined to continue in the decades to come, as it is linked to a high rate of natural population growth (a consequence of exceedingly high birth rates over the past few decades, accompanied by increased average life spans) and a steady migration from the rural areas, both of which are common to much of the developing world. Two geographical groups of countries were delineated. The first, where rates of urbanization are particularly high - over 70 percent - mainly encompasses the oil producing states of the Arabian peninsula. In addition to being sparsely populated and with a limited agricultural base, this area has witnessed a significant influx of migrant labor from within and beyond the Arab world, almost all of which has been concentrated in the cities. The second group includes those countries where urbanization has not entirely eclipsed the rural areas and where agricultural production remains an important sector of the economy. In the countries of the second group - such as Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia - the pace of migration from the rural areas to the large cities - e.g. Cairo, Casablanca, Algiers, Tunis - has slowed down since the 1970s, and is now increasingly oriented toward small and medium- sized towns. The latter have taken on a certain dynamism due in part to these changes in the pattern of rural-urban migration. The explosive growth of Arab cities has been accompanied by an increased interest in urban themes on the part of Arab researchers which has become particularly marked since the 1970s. Research on urban areas has focused on a whole range of physical, economic, social, and cultural issues. The interest for urban research in official circles has also risen in tandem with the aggravation of socio-political problems related to urban growth, resulting in the creation of commissions bringing policy makers, planners, and other experts together to deal with issues of the city. This paper presented nine key themes that have been relatively neglected in urban research on the Arab world and which are considered to deserve much greater attention by experts and practitioners. They are: * Urban social movements, whose vectors are both the middle classes and popular strata on the periphery of the cities. Urban social movements have arisen in response to numerous societal transformations and crises, including unemployment among high school and university graduates, declining incomes, and reduced prospects for upward mobility. Urban social movements articulate a range of ideological orientations and represent an important component of civil society in formation. * Governance of cities. This has become an increasingly important concern for decision-makers, who have accorded increasing attention to decentralization and sought to engage the urban citizenry - i.e. urban civil society - more fully in the management of cities. * Marginality and integration. This particularly concerns migrants from the countryside and other popular strata on the urban periphery, whose difficulties in integrating into the fabric of the city have been aggravated by the economic crisis, structural adjustment programmes, and changes resulting from globalization. The spectre of marginalization, with all the social and political consequences this entails, hovers over increasingly large segments of the urban population. * Urban crises. This encompasses a wide variety of complex and disparate problems, which are more present in some situations than in others. Included here are crises in housing, public transportation, poverty, etc.. * The informal sector. As the number of job seekers in Arab cities continues to grow, outstripping the ability of the formal economy to absorb them, employment in the informal sector has taken on an ever increasing importance. Studies of the informal sector can help us understand how individuals with few marketable skills are integrated into both the urban economy and the fabric of urban life. * Illegal housing construction and settlement patterns ('habitat clandestin'). This has become a serious problem in almost all large Arab cities, where the shortage of affordable housing has led many poor people, and particularly migrants from the rural areas, to seek permanent shelter in places and situations where habitation is not authorized by law or other regulations, such as shantytowns and cemeteries. * Old city centres. The medinas, casbahs, and other historical centers of Arab cities all suffer from similar problems, such as overcrowding, deteriorating housing stock, ageing and inadequate infrastructure. Not only do these districts represent an important cultural and historical patrimony that is in peril, but their social fabric has come under stress as a consequence of the penetration of more contemporary models of urban organization. * Migration and the urbanization of small and medium-sized towns. As mentioned above, rural migration has become increasingly oriented toward smaller urban centers, particularly to towns and villages near large metropolises. This is changing both the character of rural-urban migration and the nature of urbanization in the Arab world more generally. * Forced migratory movements. A number of inter-state and intra- state conflicts have provoked mass movements of people in recent years. Politically-generated migratory movements of this sort have had major consequences on cities and the urban economy throughout the Arab world. The second keynote paper of this session was by Mr Hafedh Sethom, entitled "Cities as the Sites of Accelerated Social Transformations in the Arab States". Three different levels of urbanization in the Arab world were outlined: countries with a low level of urbanization (10-25 per cent, such as Sudan, Yemen, and Oman) where the society remains traditional and which has been barely penetrated by the modern economy; moderately urbanized countries (42-59 per cent, such as Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria), with an urban civilization going back many centuries; and heavily urbanized countries (66-94 per cent, such as Saudi Arabia, the Gulf states, Iraq, and Jordan), whose economies are directly or indirectly dependent on oil. The author then discussed three features of the urban explosion in the Arab world during the past five decades. The first, which mainly concerns the countries of the Maghreb, was the appropriation by colonial settlers of some the best agricultural land. Though this occurred well before the countries in question attained their independence, its effects were lasting in that large numbers of peasants were dispossessed of land. Moreover, these countries witnessed a relatively early introduction of modern farming techniques and mechanization, which further reduced the need for rural labor. The excess rural population thus migrated to the urban areas. The second feature has been the dominance of the oil economy in the states of the Arabian peninsula. The rentier income that accrued to the central authorities was invested mainly in the cities, making them poles of attraction for the rural population (as well as for migrant labour from outside the region). The largely nomadic population was thus progressively sedentarized as a result of the oil boom. The third feature has been the lack of any "miracle solution" since decolonization to the problems of rural exodus and economic backwardness. The agrarian reforms that were instituted across the Arab world from the 1950s to the 1970s did not succeed in either raising agricultural productivity, creating employment, or generating veritable rural development. These reforms, in fact, have often had destructive effects on the countryside (e.g. in Algeria and Iraq), with the agricultural sector being marginalized and the cities favoured instead. The lack of investment in agriculture contributed to the rural exodus and had a negative impact on agricultural production, to the point where a good number of Arab countries have become net importers of foodstuffs. As the author pointed out, there is a close relationship between good management of cities and effective rural development. To manage cities properly, an excessive and disorderly exodus from the rural areas must be prevented. The urban crisis cannot be attenuated if unemployed rural migrants continue to flow into cities that are ill-equipped to receive them. In the second part of his paper, the author enumerated four principle manifestations of the urban explosion. The first is urban unemployment and the crisis in the job market. The rapid growth of the urban population, but without an attendant economic growth, has given rise to under-employment, unemployment, and the development of a large informal sector consisting heavily of precarious and "parasitical" types of activities. The crisis of job creation is aggravated by the tendency of private capital to concentrate its energies in property speculation and luxury consumption instead of in productive investment. Only the oil rich states of the Arabian peninsula, Iraq, and Libya have been able to avoid the scourges of urban unemployment. The second manifestation of the urban explosion is the housing crisis and the "ruralization" of medinas and shantytowns on the urban periphery. The rural exodus has engendered a heavy demand for housing that far outstrips the supply. Moreover, the tight housing market has driven up prices, rendering available units unaffordable to all but the well-to-do. This also intensifies property speculation both inside and on the edges of the city, thus pushing the popular strata even further from the city center and their places of work. The third manifestation is the crisis in urban transportation. Public transportation systems and city streets have been overwhelmed by the population explosion, resulting in constant traffic jams in most Arab cities. Ageing bus fleets cannot cope with the number of passengers, nor can the deteriorating road networks handle the sheer mass of vehicles circulating throughout the cities. The time it takes to get from one point in a city to another continues to lengthen. Public authorities find themselves limited in their ability to improve the situation, as the costly solutions are often beyond their financial means. Improvements have nevertheless occurred in several Arab cities, as with the new tramway network in Tunis and metro in Cairo. The fourth manifestation is the deterioration in the quality of urban life. Overpopulation, unemployment, and underemployment have all resulted in increasing levels of absolute poverty, with all its attendant social ills (e.g. begging and crime) which can often have serious political consequences (e.g. urban riots and breeding grounds for extremist movements). Crumbling infrastructures have engendered open sewers and disruptions in water supplies. Pollution and uncollected refuse have reached intolerable levels. In addition to all this, the rural exodus has upended traditional social structures and norms, leading to a sentiment of anomie on the part of many city dwellers. This paper concludes by outlining four courses of action that can be taken in order to defuse these explosive situations and arrest the chaotic nature of urbanization. One course would be to invest in agriculture in order to ensure self-sufficiency in food supplies and stem the rural exodus. Many things should be done here, such as preventing growth on the urban periphery from swallowing up fertile farmland and giving credit to farmers as opposed to city dwellers. A second course of action would be to adopt a balanced industrial strategy adapted to the needs of the country. In particular, industrial investment and production should be encouraged in agriculturally-oriented sectors. Thirdly, the public authorities should embark on a programme of investment to improve infrastructure and services in the rural and urban areas. This includes rural housing, transportation, electrification, water supply, telecommunications, etc.. Fourthly, a dynamic social housing policy in the cities should be adopted. Public authorities should concentrate their efforts on improving conditions in zones of settlement on the urban periphery rather than opting for ineffective or draconian measures, such as simply razing shantytowns or building costly housing projects ('cités') that absorb only a small proportion of those seeking shelter. These papers gave rise to a rich discussion that touched on numerous points related to cities and urban-related problems. Several participants spoke at length about urban policies in their respective countries, often to counter some of the apocalyptic scenarios conjured up regarding urbanization in the Arab world. One speaker, for example, claimed that pressures related to urbanization are not felt in his country to the same degree they are elsewhere. He informed the participants that his country is, in fact, witnessing a reverse migration, from the cities back to the countryside. The situation in the host country was expounded by many speakers. Through the purposeful action of the public authorities, much progress has been realized in its cities in recent years. Among the more notable accomplishments have been the replacement of shantytowns with well-maintained apartment blocks, dramatic improvement in sewage and sanitation, and the consecration of important sums of money in transportation infrastructure. Though providing the necessary funds is essential, what is crucial here has been the presence of a responsible and professional state administration possessing the capacity and will to draw up a course of action in the urban areas and to implement it. A number of participants addressed the social consequences of urbanization and rural-urban migration. One speaker discussed the impact urbanization has had on family structure. The traditional extended family, which is still the rule in the countryside, has gradually been replaced in importance by the nuclear family, as rural migrants have become urbanized in their value systems. The situation is similar with the status of women, who have become progressively more integrated into the workforce and the life of the city - in short, into the larger society - as urban values have replaced rural customs. Another participant viewed the matter somewhat differently, putting the accent on the extent to which urbanization has shattered the traditional solidarities of rural migrants, but also of longtime city dwellers. He observed that what one sees in Arab cities - as in cities throughout the world - is a growing anomie, with traditional value systems having broken down but where new social norms and ways of thinking have not yet been interiorized. This anomie has been an important factor behind many social problems, as well as a driving force behind certain extremist political movements that have cropped up in the Arab world in recent years. The discussion of anomie dovetailed with the remarks of two other participants, who focused on the question of social capital. This is a concept that has come into vogue among social scientists in recent years. In one suggestion for a research topic, proposed by Mr Mongi Boughzala, social capital was defined as the qualities of trust, credibility, and values that govern the relationships and interaction between members of a society. Social capital includes the networks that improve the functioning of society. As the level of social capital increases, the costs related to the operation of the economy are thus decreased. Conversely, situations of weak social capital tend to engender conflict, high costs, and reduced efficiency. Social capital, however, goes beyond codes and formal written rules, encompassing traditions and overlapping networks - of families, tribes, guilds and craft associations - that have been constituted over the course of time. It has become increasingly evident that good economic and social performance is dependent on social capital. But social capital is fragile and can be dilapidated as a consequence of chaotic urbanization and societal anomie. It is thus important that researchers study the effects urbanization has had on social capital in the Arab world, as well as reflect on how social capital can be maintained and reinforced.
THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN THE ARAB STATESThe keynote paper for this session "The Social Sciences in the Arab World: An Inventory and Priorities for Research" was given by Mr Ali El-Kenz. The author began with the observation that the Arab world is well-endowed in the area of higher education, with some 132 universities and university centers. The percentage of GNP accorded to education is higher in the Arab world than the mean for developing countries, as is the percentage of the education budget allotted to higher education. Likewise, the Arab world ranks higher than the mean for the developing world in the number of diploma holders. Despite the efforts and progress that have been made, however, higher education in the Arab world is in crisis. This is particularly the case in the social sciences, where the situation has worsened in recent years.There are a number of reasons for this. Democratized access to higher education has resulted in the universities being inundated with students, while governments have at the same time imposed severe budget cuts in order to conform to structural adjustment programmes. Research activities have been sacrificed in this climate of budgetary austerity. At the same time, professors in the social sciences have been overwhelmed by the sheer numbers of students they have to teach. Increasing numbers of students has meant that the amount of time professors can accord to their graduate students has diminished, and lack of resources has resulted in a reduced ability for the students to write quality theses. Standards have thus suffered. Lack of funds and resources have also limited the possibilities of carrying out field research which has been progressively abandoned in favour of analysis based on secondary literature; this renders the research both unoriginal and scholastic in quality. This condition is aggravated by the lack of research laboratories in the social science departments of Arab universities. One of the striking characteristics of the latter, the author pointed out, is their relative isolation from the larger world of social science. There is little sustained contact between the Arab world and elsewhere. Academic social science networks even within the Arab world - and within individual countries - are practically non-existent. There is no Arab equivalent of CLASCO in Latin America or CODESRIA in Africa. Another factor behind the crisis of Arab social sciences is political interference. Political and administrative authorities have imposed a whole panoply of obstacles, restrictions, rules, regulations and controls that hinder Arab researchers in their scientific pursuits. In some countries, the educational ministries have gone so far as to forbid officially entire disciplines - such as anthropology - or declare investigation into major subjects - particularly in history and sociology - as taboo. It is difficult for social science research in the Arab world to explore areas not approved by the authorities and that may conflict with national ideologies. This state of affairs gives Arab social science a particular style, one of conformity, conventionality, and where the "sociological imagination" is not in evidence. Not only does the university lose by this but the political authorities do as well. The authorities do not gain in the long run by closing off possibilities for research that could be of interest and use to them. After describing this situation, the author outlined three thematic priorities for Arab social science. One priority is the relationship between social movements and societal change, on the one hand, and culture, on the other. The dominant paradigm of the 1960s and 1970s held that all the problems of the Arab and Developing Countries were linked to the question of development. The economistic perspective held sway, with socio-cultural issues generally being ignored or viewed as secondary phenomena. In this respect, social science conformed to national ideologies, which promoted the notion of Arab society as culturally homogeneous and harmonious, even if differentiated economically. One result of this was the failure of Arab social scientists to detect the important transformations that were occurring at the base of society. It is indeed the cultural dimension of social change that has become the nodal point of conflict and confrontation in the Arab world today. Another theme that deserves greater attention is the situation of women. With the exception of a few countries, most notably Tunisia, issues related to women have been a blind spot in social sciences in the region. This is paradoxical, as an important cultural transformation in the Arab world has been the change in the status of women. The status of women nonetheless compares unfavourably with other developing regions, with women having lower rates of literacy, being less present in the work force, having less access to positions of responsibility, and participating less in public life. A third theme is democracy and human rights. There was a time not so long ago when these preoccupations were considered secondary to the objectives of economic and social development, and when it was viewed as legitimate that the state determine the priorities of society. Human rights were seen as less important than national rights and democracy was viewed as a social and economic process and not in political terms. The paradigm of the strong, all- powerful, all-knowing state has since lost ground, however, as has that of the single-party system. In addition to their failures, strong states and single-party systems have not been able to withstand the process of societal differentiation brought about by all the major economic and social transformations of recent years. Civil society has begun to assert itself, with social actors demanding that individuals be regarded as citizens rather than subjects. Democracy and human rights are the paradigms for our time and in all parts of the world, and something which Arab researchers and decision-makers should reflect upon together. In the general discussion following this paper there was wide agreement with its analysis, as well as of the thematic priorities it presented. Several participants took up the issue of gender, all agreeing that it must be given greater importance by Arab social scientists. In this vein, one of the members of the Arab Sociological Association proposed that the ASA put into practice an "affirmative action" programme, ensuring that a certain number of its projects deal specifically with gender issues. The importance of more research on democracy and human rights was also invoked by a few participants, though one spoke of the objective difficulties in studying these questions at the present time in the Arab world. It was considered nonetheless possible, however, at least in those states that have begun to liberalize their political systems. In speaking about democracy a cautionary note was sounded against down-playing the role of the state or in prematurely announcing its demise. One participant commented that the state is not withdrawing from society but is rather redefining and transforming its role. The state is still necessary as a mediator and reconciliator. Another declared that Arab social scientists should hope for a greater involvement of the state in the resolution of social problems, not its disengagement. One speaker brought up the issue of religious fundamentalism, which had not been dealt with in previous sessions. He argued that this is a critical issue that must be understood and confronted by the Arab social sciences community, as it is both a cause and consequence of the crisis afflicting much of the Arab world. The necessity of comparative research was emphasized throughout the discussion. This includes comparative research between Arab countries, with the West, and with other parts of the developing world. One participant focused on similarities between the situation in the Arab world and the process of state formation in Europe, where issues of ethnicity, identity, religion, and culture were of central importance. Comparative research should thus focus not just on comparisons between individual countries but also on that of the Arab states with other parts of the world at those points in their history when they experienced similar problems or conjunctures. The important question of such research is to ask what the Arab world can learn from the historical experiences of other countries, particularly those in the West.
THEME 3: LOCAL AND REGIONAL MANAGEMENT OF ECONOMIC, TECHNOLOGICAL, AND ENVIRONMENTAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE ARAB STATESThe keynote paper for this session was by Mr Nadji Safir, entitled "The Local and Regional Management of Economic, Technological, and Environmental Transformations in the Arab World: Questions and Perspectives". The author began by addressing the theme of globalization, which had been invoked on numerous occasions over the course of the three-day conference. He asserted that globalization is an irreversible process that cannot be avoided, and touches upon almost all aspects of everyday life. The latter includes not only the economy but also norms and values, which are at the root of the cultural crisis afflicting the Arab world. The crisis in the Arab world is indeed due in large part to globalization.On the level of the individual, two areas are particularly significant. One is that of international migration, with the strategies of individuals now being mapped out on a global scale and increasingly removed from traditional-type networks based on relationships of proximity, whether geographical, historical, or cultural. A second is the influence exercised by the dissemination of knowledge, ideas, models, norms, and contemporary values, particularly those transmitted by television and other mass media. This relationship with the rest of the world is, in fact, mainly one with the "West". As such, the Arab world has a difficult time coming to terms with it, as this manifestation of globalization has been perceived as a "cultural invasion". The intensification of the globalization process in the Arab world brings up the issues of initiative and control. The Arab world has taken little initiative in the globalization process and exercises little control over it, giving the impression of being in a perpetually defensive state. Viewed from the perspective of the global economy, the position of the Arab world - whose exports are mainly confined to hydrocarbons - is marginal at best. And in the area of symbolic production - science, culture, etc. - the Arab world's contribution is insignificant. The fundamental issue facing the Arab world is how to define and set in motion a strategy of positive integration into the process of globalization. In posing this question, the author put forth eight principle themes for reflection. * The educational system and vocational training. There has been a lack of coordination between these and national developmental goals. The latter have, at least formally, been in keeping with contemporary exigencies, whereas Arab educational systems have remained rooted in the past. The lag between educational systems and developmental goals originates in two dichotomous and fundamentally erroneous conceptions. The first holds that the mission of the educational system is the transmission of Arab and Islamic norms and values, on the one hand, and science and technology originating from the West, on the other, but excluding all that relates to Western norms and values. The second comes from a simplistic vision of economic development, that gives undue emphasis to the production of goods and services that is to the detriment of the social and cultural domains. * Scientific and technical research. This is one of the fundamental conditions for an active participation in the process of globalization. There are four basic stakes involved in an optimal policy for the Arab world. First, the research must serve as an "advanced observation post" for the entire society. Second, there must be a close relationship with the educational and vocational training systems. The third centers on the particular relationships it forges with the sectors of the economy involved in the production of goods and services. The fourth revolves around the goals society sets for itself and ensuring that it maintains an ongoing contact with the domains of scientific and technical research. * The attitude of society toward productive labour. This is a fundamental issue in the Arab world, where wealth is disproportionately generated by natural resources, and particularly hydrocarbons, which - quite unlike the situation in the booming economies of Asia - do not require a mobilization of the productive capacities of society. This results in, among other things, the tendency of Arab states to neglect potential growth areas of their economies and to concentrate energies on redistributing rentier income rather than on creative or productive activities. As long as the rentier logic continues to dominate Arab societies, the latter will have serious difficulty adapting to contemporary norms of productivity and competitiveness. * Employment policy. Job creation is one of the most important issues facing the Arab world. Employment is critical not only for an individual's economic well-being but also for his full integration into society. The long-term unemployed find themselves deprived of a societal identity, which can have serious psychological, social, and political consequences. Not only do the finances of the state come under stress, but high unemployment also fuels social and other movements of contestation. The unemployed also represent a large pool of idle or under-utilized human capital, which must be tapped into if the Arab world is to compete effectively in a globalized world. * The environment. The biggest issue facing the Arab world here is water. Urbanization and economic development, coupled with desertification, have resulted in increasingly critical shortages of water throughout the region, which could ultimately lead to warfare between states and have catastrophic economic consequences. Educating the populace not to waste water, adopting conservation measures, implementing appropriate land-use policies, and promoting inter-state cooperation on the matter are all steps to be undertaken. * Participation of women. It is of supreme importance that women be integrated into all activities of society and participate at all levels of responsibility. Given the exigencies of globalization and modernity, Arab states cannot marginalize half their population from public life. In the first place, this is economically irrational. Secondly, a globalization of norms and values is clearly underway. The affirmation of values that radically deviate from global norms thus becomes difficult to sustain over the long run. In any case, it would be erroneous for Arab states to view this issue in terms of a cultural assault from the outside, as the Arab cultural patrimony can be interpreted in such a way as to justify aligning values regarding women along global norms. * The emergence of legitimate elites. The globalization process, with all its complexities, has made it more important than ever that Arab states be endowed with technical and political elites who enjoy the confidence both of their societies and the international community. Political elites must be competent to direct the difficult but necessary transition to democracy, which is one of the exigencies of globalization. The transition to democracy will be a complex process for the Arab world, as the values and culture of democracy have not yet sunk deep roots. The transmission of democratic values, particularly through the educational system, must therefore be accorded priority. * Regional integration. The exigencies of the globalization process are such that no Arab state is in a strong position to confront them on its own. Regional economic integration will become a necessity, as will greater co-operation between Arab states in other areas, be they education, environment, culture, communication or security . The general discussion that followed this paper brought to the fore issues that had not been fully addressed in the two previous sessions. The discussion began with a few participants speaking positively of the approaches taken by their respective countries in confronting the challenges of globalization. One speaker praised the efforts of his country in the area of education, and especially scientific and technical training. He cautioned, however, that there should be a relationship between education and employment opportunities, and that the state cannot employ everyone with a scientific degree. He also maintained that social progress should occur at a smooth pace, in order that cultural values and norms are not too disrupted. The conference Chairperson echoed the same concern, posing the question as to how society can carry out the transition from tradition to modernity without upsetting social harmony and losing its values. He pointed out the importance of this issue for Tunisia, which has accepted the new rules of the world economic order and liberalized the movement of goods, services, and capital. He urged researchers to take a fresh view at the much maligned informal sector, which, he argued, adapts more easily to economic change but does not upset societal values. There was a consensus among the participants over the importance of the themes raised in this paper, with the general tone being one of concern over the ability of the Arab states to meet the challenges of globalization in the short and medium terms. One participant spoke of the manner in which globalization has impacted on the relationship between state and society. The nature of the state has been changing since the 1980s, from one of extensive involvement in the social and economic realms - managing enterprises, attempting to ensure an extensive level of social protection - to a more modest role of mediation between different societal actors. The state has been retreating from society, as it were, which has, among other things, imposed constraints on its capacity to deal with all the problems imposed by globalization. Another participant reiterated the point of the changing role of the state, placing the emphasis on the diminution of the power of nation-states in this age of globalization. Despite this, the state still has a regulatory role to fulfil which has become all the more essential in the face of growing social and economic crises. Because nation-states have lost part of their regulatory capacity, regional co-operation must be encouraged in order to offset this, as well as to deal collectively with the non-Arab world. Individual Arab states cannot confront Europe alone, he argued. A participant then pointed out the many efforts of the past few decades to promote inter-Arab co-operation and unity. None lived up to their initial hopes, he said, and there is little reason to be optimistic that this situation will change in the coming years. The impediments to regional cooperation among Arab states are still strong. Not only is the economic basis for cooperation weak - the exports of the majority of Arab states being mainly hydrocarbons and other raw materials - but inter-state rivalries are still a leitmotiv across the Arab world. Several participants raised the issue of the brain drain. According to one speaker, this is an important reason why the Arab states lag behind other parts of the world in the scientific and technical realms. There is a high percentage of the educated, and technically trained population practicing their professions in Europe and North America. There are a number of reasons for this phenomenon, among them the low priority accorded by Arab governments to scientific research. Another participant asserted that the educated Arab diaspora in the West is there to stay and will not be returning to settle in their countries of origin. Given this situation, Arab universities and research establishments should reflect on how the relationship with the educated diaspora can be managed. In short, how can Arab countries make use of their educated diasporas? Two speakers contended that one of the principle causes of the brain-drain is the lack of democracy in the Arab world. As one put it, despotism has played its part in inciting many educated Arabs to emigrate, or not to return to their countries upon completion of their studies in the West. The irresponsible behavior of political elites, who have accorded little attention to this issue, has not helped matters. Despite the lack of democracy in Arab states, one argued, efforts must nonetheless be made to reverse the brain-drain and encourage people either to stay in or return to their countries. The Arab academic and scientific community should initiate a dialogue with decision-makers over this issue, both to bring about increases in the budgets for scientific research and to address the all-important question of democracy. The issue of how Arab states are governed should be discussed openly and not be avoided, as has been the case in the past. Arab academics and scientists should try to persuade their governing elites of the desirability of democracy and the alternation of power. The issue of democracy in the Arab world was placed squarely on the table during the discussion. One speaker observed that scientific progress in the West was related to the development of democracy and that it depends on the possibility of a free exchange of information and ideas. Democracy is sweeping across the planet, he insisted, with many formerly authoritarian regimes in Latin America, the former Soviet bloc, and East Asia giving way to political pluralism and the alternation of power and that this has yet to happen in the Arab states. Until it does, the Arab world will fall even further behind the West and the booming economies of Asia, and will have little chance of meeting the challenges of globalization. Another participant agreed with this assessment, saying that it is undeniable that decisions are taken and policies adopted in Arab states without the majority of concerned social actors being engaged in the process. He pointed out, however, that ruling elites are not the only ones responsible for this state of affairs. In his view, ordinary citizens - including intellectuals - have played a passive role in public affairs and have been more concerned with obtaining their share of redistributed rentier income than in bringing about positive changes in the political system. They have acted more like spectators and consumers than societal and political actors. The rapporteur for this session underscored the importance of the debate over democratization, both the nature of democracy and the process of transition to democracy. The Arab world has not been participating enough in this debate, however. Arab researchers need to study the social, economic, and political conditions that give rise to democratization and how democratic transitions are negotiated. A theoretical framework is needed to understand better the phenomenon. One must also take into account competing discourses on the issue, which assert that Western-style democracy is not the only model Arab states should strive to adopt. There are indeed significant blocs in Arab polities who do not accept the democratic model. Taking up this point, the author of the thematic paper spoke of the countries of East Asia and their relationship with democracy. This part of the world, he observed, has achieved economic success in the context of authoritarian regimes. The question to be asked is if the Arab world can succeed economically with its authoritarian regimes. He observed, that the Arab world has authoritarian regimes that have not performed well on the economic level. The rapporteur concluded in bringing up an important specificity of the Arab world in regard to the debate over democratization, namely, the question of its relationship to the West. This was not an important domestic issue for Latin American and Asian countries when they embarked on the transition to democracy. But the relationship with the democracies of Europe and North America is primordial in Arab states and arouses passions, thus making the complicated issue of democratization even more complex.
CLOSING SESSIONThe closing session of the conference began with the presentation of the draft Conclusions and Recommendations by the rapporteurs. After a fruitful discussion during which some modifications were made to this draft, the Conclusions and Recommendations of the conference were adopted by the participants (Part II of this Report). The important role that MOST can play in promoting international research in the Arab states region was reiterated.The closing ceremony of the conference was presided by Mr Kamel Haj Sassi, Secretary of State for Social Affairs of the Republic of Tunisia. Also present were Mr Noureddine Hached, Assistant Secretary-General of the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Director of the Arab League office in Tunis. Mr Ali Kazancigil, Executive Secretary MOST, and Mr Francisco Carillo Montesinos, Director of the UNESCO Office in Tunisia thanked the host country for the organization of this successful meeting.
PART II - CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS1. The participants focused their attention on current global and national developments and, in particular, the democratisation of government in certain regions of the world. In this respect, the Conference emphasised the need and the urgency to give social science research in the countries of the Arab States region the recognition it deserves. Believing that a wider understanding of these developments would contribute to improving management by public authorities, the Conference therefore invited States to support research programmes in the field. 2. The Conference recognized the importance and the intensity of multiculturalism and identity movements in their various forms. It stressed the importance of taking into account this approach to the social sciences and underlined the urgent need for comparative theoretical reflexion, in order to analyse, understand and contribute to the democratic settlement of conflicts in this domain. 3. The Conference stressed the importance of urbanization phenomena. The town was seen as the stage for expression of rapid social transformations and their management control and, in particular, problems of rural-urban articulation, power relations between local and central government, citizen participation, local democracy and the integration of marginalized sectors of populations. The Conference stressed the need to take into account the socio-cultural aspects of the urban problem. 4. The Conference drew attention to the contradictions inherent in the effects of increasing globalization, affecting both States and societies in the Arab world. On the one hand, globalization favours identical phenomena of withdrawals and claims. But, on the other hand, it authorises new strategies capable of encouraging active participation in exchanges in the new world context. The conference recommended paying particular attention to new actors of the civil society capable of playing a determining role parallel to the mutations of the role of States. 5. The Conference recalled the considerable development of university institutes for social science teaching and research in the Arab States countries since independence. It underligned the existence of potential competence but expressed doubts about the difficulties encountered today in the field of scientific research and more particularly in the training of new generations of researchers. For this reason, the conference insisted on the need for the protection of freedom and autonomy in research. It recalled the interest and importance of in-puts to social science research to help in the understanding of and support to public policies. 6. The MOST programme provides an appropriate framework to initiate comparative research projects, to strengthen institutional capacities and to encourage links between research and decision-makers in the Arab region and between the latter and other regions of the world. 7. Taking into account the break-up and dispersion affecting research, the MOST programme is called upon to identify and to encourage existing resources, to support current local and regional initiatives and to develop means of communication and exchange that will enable the strengthening of links between researchers and institutions. 8. National and regional organisms responsible for financing scientific research in the region are invited to support actively research projects undertaken in the framework of the MOST programme. The participants recommended to partners and users of social science research, such as public authorities, the private sector, the media and civil society organisations to support and finance MOST programme initatives in the region. 9. The conference launched an appeal to international bodies such as the Mediterranean programmes of the European Union, United Nations Development Programme, United Nations Population Fund, United Nations Children's Fund, World Bank, bilateral aid organisms and private foundations, so that they support the research activities of MOST. 10. The participants supported the proposal of the Arab Association of Sociology to create a regional non-governmental organization for the social sciences, based on the model of CLACSO in Latin America or of CODESRIA in Africa, which would facilitate inter-arab exchanges and an entry to the international scientific community. MOST is requested to support this initiative. 11. The conference recommended that in every country in the Arab States region a MOST National Liaison Committee be formed as rapidly as possible, either within the National Commission for UNESCO or in another appropriate institution.
Annex 1PROGRAMMEMonday, 26 February 9 am Official opening ceremony presided by Mr Mohamed Jegham, Minister of the Interior of TunisiaTuesday, 27 February 9 am Theme 3: Local and regional management of economic, technological and environmental transformationsWednesday, 28 February 10 am Drafting of the Final Report and the Recommendations by the Rapporteurs. (Morning free for other participants)
Annex 2LIST OF PARTICIPANTSMr Mongi BOUGHZALA
Keynote paper on Urbanisation et Recherche Urbaine dans le Monde Arabe (Draft in french) |
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